TAPOL

Contents:

Rizal Compares Yudhoyono to Dictator Suharto [16 January]
Independent presidential candidate Rizal Ramli has called for the lifting of his status as a suspect for organizing a demonstration last year against fuel price rises that ended in violence. Rizal is an economist and former finance minister under president Abdurrahman "Gus Dur" Wahid. [full story...]

Local Election Disputes in Indonesia: North Maluku [22 January]
The latest International Crisis Group briefing, analyses a local electoral contest that took more than a year to decide and is awaiting a final decision from Indonesia’s Constitutional Court in February 2009. A dispute that once threatened to erupt in violence appears to be sputtering to an anticlimactic close, providing evidence that Indonesia’s democratic institutions are working. [full story...]

Indonesia To Hold Presidential Election 8 July [26 January]
The General Elections Commission (KPU) has decided to hold the presidential election on July 8, 2009 with a runoff, if required, on September 8, 2009. [full story...]

Analysis-Indonesia Struggles To Cast Off Suharto's Shadow [26 January]
Indonesia's former president Suharto has been dead for a year, but the country is still dealing with his legacy. It is struggling to recover from the Suharto regime's culture of corruption, economic mismanagement, and human rights abuses. The outcome of this year's parliamentary and presidential elections will determine the pace of political, social, and economic reform over the next five years. [full story...]

Corruption Is The Hot Election Issue, But The Biggest Fish Are Yet To Be Fried [26 January]
Corruption is a constant in Jakarta. Indonesia annually jousts with the likes of Nigeria, Somalia and Burma for the dubious honour of which country is more crooked, as measured by the
watchdog Transparency International (TI). Indonesia has improved its TI ranking recently but with an election due, corruption is front-page news again. The Corruption Eradication Commission is going after politicians and businessmen, but the biggest fish of all — various members of the Suharto clan who still control huge sections of the economy — are yet to be fried [full story]

Parties Embrace Chinese Candidates [27 January]
Since the end of Suharto's discriminative New Order period, more Chinese-Indonesians have become involved in politics. [full story...]

Widespread money politics feared after Constitutional Court ruling [27 January]
The Constitutional Court's decision that granting legislative seats to candidates who win the most votes, rather than handing out seats according to the age-old practice of party hierarchies, could spark an explosion in the practice of money politics, experts say. One of the most effective ways to entice voters is with money. But the ruling also has its upside in that it opens the democratic tap fairly and gives chances to the candidates to compete without any fear of intervention from their party's board of management. [full story...]

Soetrisno Bachir: Newcomer to the Political Scene Has His Eye on the Presidency [28 January]
Soetrisno Bachir, chairman of the National Mandate Party, PAN, is widely viewed as an emerging young leader and is using his considerable personal wealth to further the political ambitions of both his party and himself. The upcoming elections may, however, prove too soon for him to make a serious run for the presidency. [full story...]

PKS rally did not violate election laws, police say [28 January]
Jakarta Police have officially dropped an investigation into officials of the Prosperous Justice Party, or PKS, after failing to find evidence of election law violations during a rally the party held earlier this month against Israeli attacks on Gaza. [full story...]

KPU Position Weak on Female Quotas [29 January]
A gender quota issued by the General Elections Commission (KPU) to counter a recent ruling by the Constitutional Court is unlikely to be effective say election observers and experts. The Court ruled last month that only those candidates who received the most votes in regional elections should appear on the national ballot. The KPU claims an electoral law allows it to act to ensure better gender balance among candidates. [full story...]

See also:

Government Backs KPU's Women Quota [20 January]. [full story...]

KPU insists on ‘free seats’ for women at legislative bodies [21 January]. [full story...]

KPU Backs Down Over Female Quota [31 January] [full story…]

Parties doubt MUI edict will draw people to polling booths [29 January]
Indonesian Muslims will ignore a recent edict by the Indonesian Ulema Council (MUI), the country’s highest Islamic authority, to ban vote abstention, as people’s decision to vote will be determined by political calculation rather than religious dogma, politicians from major parties have said. [full story...]

Megawati to handpick running mate [29 Janaury]
The Indonesian Democratic Party of Struggle (PDI-P) is no closer to picking a running mate for chairwoman and presidential hopeful Megawati Soekarnoputri. Potential running mates, including Yogyakarta Governor Sultan Hamengkubuwono X, are still more interested in becoming president. [full story...]

Security forces attack pro-democracy activists in Nabire, West Papua [29 January]
On 29 January, Indonesian Security forces attacked a group of 100 local people protesting about delays in local election in Nabire. Mr. Yones Douw, a respected human rights defender from the Kingmi church, was kicked, beaten on the side of the head, and punched in the face. [full story…]

Yudhoyono Holds Sway [30 Janaury]
UNTIL late last year, most political analysts were convinced that President Yudhoyono's secular nationalist Democratic Party would play only a minor role in this April's legislative elections. The consensus was that the legislative elections in April and the presidential poll in July were unlikely to change the status quo very much. Dr Yudhoyono would win in July, and Parliament would continue to be dominated by the current two major secular nationalist groupings: Golkar and the PDI-P. They would be followed by the Democratic Party, and an assortment of Muslim-based groupings such as the Prosperous Justice Party (PKS) and the National Awakening Party (PKB). In recent weeks, however, several public opinion polls have been recording an unexpected surge in support for both the President and his party. [full story…]

Senior legislator Permadi quits PDI-P for ex-general Prabowo's Gerinda [31 January]
Senior legislator Permadi has quit his party, the PDI-P to join the newly formed Gerindra Party headed by presidential candidate Maj. Gen. (ret) Prabowo Subianto. Permadi's decision has dealt a serious blow to the PDI-P. Prabowo is the former Army Special Force (Kopassus) chief and son-in-law of the late former president Soeharto. An army investigation team found him responsible for masterminding the kidnapping and disappearance of dozens of the nation's most prolific activists in 1998, some of whom have never been found. [full story…]

TNI and Police Pledge to Stay Neutral, Abstain From Voting [31 January]
The police and military are facing increasing scrutiny over their commitment to remain politically neutral in the upcoming elections with rumors that a group within the Army is campaigning against a presidential candidate and that top police top officers are working for another candidate. [full story…]

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Rizal Compares Yudhoyono to Dictator Suharto

The Jakarta Globe
Friday, January 16, 2009
By Arientha Primanita

Independent presidential candidate Rizal Ramli has demanded that President Susilo Bambang Yudhoyono stop acting like former dictator Suharto, and called for the lifting of his status as a suspect for organizing a demonstration last year against fuel price rises that ended in violence.

Referring to Yudhoyono's background as a retired Army general and Suharto's 32-year reign as president, Rizal said: "I ask SBY to act like a gentleman. A general in a democratic country can't act in an authoritarian manner, as occurred during the New Order period."

Rizal is an economist and former finance minister under president Abdurrahman "Gus Dur" Wahid.

On Jan. 5, police named Rizal a suspect for organizing an antigovernment demonstration amid fuel price increases in May last year, which erupted into violence between participants and police.

Rizal said accusations that he incited the riot were politically motivated and amounted to New Order-style tactics once used to shut down political enemies.

"If this case goes to court, Indonesia will have taken a leap backward," he said. "It is an attempt by the government to derail my presidential candidacy."

State Secretary Hatta Radjasa said that Rizal's statements were inappropriate as the case was a matter for the courts and the police.

The president, he said, has nothing to do with the charges. "The police would not be careless in naming someone a suspect and the president would not give any instructions regarding the handling of the case," Hatta said.

Rizal was initially named a witness in the case.

He testified during the trial of Ferry Juliantono, the secretary general of the Indonesia Awakening Committee, or KBI.

On Thursday, Rizal and about 30 of his supporters marched from Ambhara Hotel in Blok M, South Jakarta to the National Police headquarters. They released 10 doves in front of the headquarters as symbols of peace.

Rizal said that he was prepared to be detained by police following their investigation of him.

"The fate of Rizal Ramli is not important," he said. "What is important is the struggle for democracy and the fate of the people who still cannot have a decent life."

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INTERNATIONAL CRISIS GROUP - NEW BRIEFING

Local Election Disputes in Indonesia: North Maluku

Jakarta/Brussels, 22 January 2009: An Indonesian provincial election dispute that once threatened to erupt in violence appears to be sputtering to an anticlimactic close, more evidence that Indonesia’s democratic institutions are working.

Local Election Disputes in Indonesia: The Case of North Maluku,* the latest International Crisis Group briefing, analyses a local electoral contest that took more than a year to decide the winner and led to sporadic clashes in the streets. Even after a winner was installed in late September 2008, his opponent was still challenging the result; a final decision is expected from Indonesia’s Constitutional Court in February 2009.

"This is a case where almost everything that could go wrong with an election did", says John Virgoe, Crisis Group’s South East Asia Project Director. "But the serious violence that many feared didn’t materialise, in part because no one wanted a repeat of bitter communal conflict a decade earlier". Some 3,500 people died in the province in 1999-2000.

The poorly run, deeply divisive North Maluku election is also the exception that proves the rule: of some 400 local contests that have taken place since 2005, most have proceeded without incident, and of more than 150 where the results were contested in the courts, most were peacefully resolved. The North Maluku poll, by contrast, was marked by poor preparation, allegations of rigging, disputed counting, biased election supervisors, clashes in the streets and more. The Jakarta political elite took sides, and a resolution effort by the Supreme Court made things worse.

"If Indonesia’s democracy had been less robust, the North Maluku dispute could have been disastrous", says Sidney Jones, Crisis Group Senior Adviser. "Instead it shows that Indonesia’s political system can cope with a few failures and even learn from the experience". In late 2008, the Indonesian parliament passed a law transferring authority for resolving election disputes from the Supreme Court to the Constitutional Court, the country’s youngest but arguably most competent judicial body.

The long drawn out electoral battle is not over yet. In early February, all eyes will be on the Constitutional Court to see whether it will agree to review a petition that effectively supports the losing side. If it does, the province could be thrown into political turmoil again. If it refuses, the North Maluku election may end up as little more than a historical footnote to Indonesia’s democratisation.

Contacts: Andrew Stroehlein (Brussels) +32 (0) 2 541 1635
Kimberly Abbott (Washington) +1 202 785 1601
To contact Crisis Group media please click here
*Read the full Crisis Group report on our website: http://www.crisisgroup.org

The International Crisis Group (Crisis Group) is an independent, non-profit, non-governmental organisation covering some 60 crisis-affected countries and territories across four continents, working through field-based analysis and high-level advocacy to prevent and resolve deadly conflict.

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Indonesia To Hold Presidential Election 8 July

BBC Monitoring Asia Pacific
Monday, January 26, 2009
Text of report in English by Indonesian government-owned news agency Antara website

[Unattributed report: "KPU decides to stage presidential election on July 8"]

Jakarta (Antara News) -The General Elections Commission (KPU) in its plenary meeting here on Thursday decided to hold the presidential election on July 8, 2009.

In case of a runoff it would be done on September 8, 2009, KPU member Syamsulbahri said here on Thursday.

He said the KPU in the meeting had also determined schedules for stages of presidential elections such as for updating voters' data, preparing relating regulations, registration, verification, campaigning and logistical preparations.

"This (the presidential elections schedule) is our joint decision. It was made this evening (through a plenary meeting)," he said.

He said the KPU agreed to take May 9, 2009, which was the date when the result of the legislative elections would be officially confirmed, as the date for starting registration of presidential and vice presidential candidates by parties that met requirements.

Syamsulbahri said the initial stage of presidential elections would be started as of the end of January in the form of updating voters' data which would later be followed by preparing relating regulations simultaneously.(*)

Source: Antara news agency, Jakarta, in English 0000 gmt 23 Jan 09

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Analysis-Indonesia Struggles To Cast Off Suharto's Shadow

By Sara Webb

JAKARTA, Jan 26 (Reuters) - Indonesia's former president Suharto has been dead for a year, but the country he ruled for three decades until his ouster in a populist uprising in 1998, is still dealing with his legacy.

Every day, scores of visitors come to the Suharto family mausoleum near the royal city of Solo, in central Java, to pay their respects to a man known to some as "father of the nation".

Yet even today, Indonesia is struggling to recover from the Suharto regime's culture of corruption, economic mismanagement, and human rights abuses, in order to attract much-needed foreign and domestic investment for infrastructure and other parts of the economy that are starved of funds.

"Yes, Indonesia has made some reforms over the past decade. But the pace of reform has been disappointing," said Prakriti Sofat, economist at HSBC in Singapore.

The outcome of this year's parliamentary and presidential elections will determine the pace of political, social, and economic reform over the next five years.

President Susilo Bambang Yudhoyono, the former general who won the 2004 presidential election on promises to defeat graft, spur economic growth, and tackle security threats from militant Muslim groups, is the clear leader in the opinion polls, and many see him as Indonesia's best hope for further change.

After Suharto stepped down amid the chaos of the 1997-98 financial crisis, Indonesia embraced democracy.

The armed forces were forced out of parliament, where the military had been allocated a set number of seats under Suharto, and the president is now directly elected by the people.

POLITICAL PARTY PROLIFERATION

The number of political parties has proliferated -- 38 are due to contest this year's parliamentary elections on April 9 – and Golkar, Suharto's army-backed political machine, no longer dominates parliament, thanks to free and fair elections.

This year, for the first time, voters will be able to choose the individuals they want to represent them in parliament, shifting more democratic power to the electorate. Before it was up to the parties to make the selection, a process potentially fraught with corruption.

Following reforms, the military retreated from politics back to the barracks, though it is still involved in a number of businesses both legal and illegal. But the acquittal of a top military intelligence official in the murder of Indonesia's leading human rights activist in December shows the armed forces remain untouchable, political analysts say.

Regional autonomy, another post-Suharto change, has shifted considerable power to the local and provincial governments, and provided Indonesians with further lessons in democracy.

Already some local officials have shown that they can deliver on their promises for better infrastructure, free healthcare and education, and training to help school-leavers and unemployed acquire skills -- and those that don't are less likely to be re-elected.

But after just a decade, Indonesia's democracy is immature, and its parliament is plagued by corruption, raising concerns about the way legislation is passed.

Few of Indonesia's political parties are distinguished by clear policies, ideologies, or reform agendas.

Some are built around personalities. Golkar is still associated with the Suharto clan, while PDI-P is based around former president Megawati Sukarnoputri, the daughter of Indonesia's first president, Sukarno.

Wiranto and Prabowo Subianto, two Suharto-era ex-generals associated with human rights violations, each have their own political parties.
Yudhoyono has delivered on several of his promises, but one of his main achievements has been to serve his full elected term, bringing a sense of stability to a country which had three different presidents in the period between Suharto's fall in 1998 and Yudhoyono's election in 2004.

Under Yudhoyono, Indonesia's anti-corruption agency has brought several high-ranking officials to justice, including central bankers and government officials, while the notoriously corrupt tax and customs departments have been the focus of a huge clean-up as part of government efforts to improve revenues.

TOP KLEPTOCRAT

Yet despite the convictions and crackdowns, graft remains a widespread problem and many of the worst offenders have proved untouchable.

Suharto, who Transparency International ranked as the world's top kleptocrat, with a fortune estimated at $15-35 billion, was deemed too ill to stand trial, while many of his family, inner circle, and close business associates have escaped justice.

Indonesia has failed to fully investigate and account for the billions of dollars that the central bank used to bail out well-connected banks during the 1997-98 financial crisis, while attempts to bring those responsible for human rights abuses have largely faltered.

So far, Yudhoyono's power has been limited because his Democrat Party won only a small number of seats and relies on the support of other, less reformist parties in parliament.

But if Yudhoyono and the Democrat Party win a strong mandate in this year's elections, he may have more scope to push ahead with his anti-corruption policies and reform of several key institutions.

Indonesia still ranks among the world's most corrupt countries, and its judiciary, civil service, and police are regarded by many Indonesians and foreigners as ripe for massive overhaul.

Indonesia's unpredictable courts make it impossible for businesses to operate effectively, while a recent survey by Transparency International found that one out of every two encounters with the police involved a bribe. (Additional reporting by Telly Nathalia; Editing by Bill Tarrant)

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Corruption Is The Hot Election Issue, But The Biggest Fish Are Yet To Be Fried

The Spectator (UK)
Monday, January 26, 2009
By Eric Ellis

It's early days in Indonesia's election season, but already Jakarta is transformed into a riot of colour. Political bunting of all shades sprouts from every conceivable vantage point, brightening the grey of poverty; the green of the surging Islamist parties; the red and black buffalo of the party of Sukarno's eldest daughter Megawati; the yellow of Golkar, the clan of the late kleptator Suharto and his cronies. Posters and promises garland walls, bridges and streetside food stalls. Some even sponsor the capital's flotilla of kaki lima — literally 'five feet' — pushcarts that dispense snacks of sate, tropical fruits and sometimes salmonella. As our car sinks into another flooded pothole in a downtown street, I'm particularly taken with a black-hued poster from a group campaigning to stamp out corruption, still the blight of this 63 year-old country after 53 years of autocracy and a wobbly decade of democracy. Korruptors! Hukum Mati! it screams in Bahasa Indonesia: 'Death penalty for corruptors!' If long-suffering Indonesians' grumbles are any sort of psephological guide, this ticket should sweep the New Year polls.

Corruption is a constant in Jakarta. Indonesia annually jousts with the likes of Nigeria, Somalia and Burma for the dubious honour of which country is more crooked, as measured by the watchdog Transparency International (TI). Suharto, who the World Bank claims embezzled as much as $35 billion from the state during his 30-year dictatorship, turned graft into a way of life that today's civil society now struggles to cleanse. Current President Susilo Bambang Yudhoyono won office in 2004 by promising clean hands, and for a year or so bent governors had their collars felt; a few mayors too. But then it all went quiet. SBY is now bidding for a second term and the new star of his cabinet is the comely finance minister, Sri Mulyani Indrawati. At 46, and not from the traditional political class, she has a take-no-prisoners approach to graft in her ministry, and would like it to lead others by example. But her clean-skin remit is limited. A former IMF official, she is a skilled technocrat but no politician. Her influence doesn't seem to reach into the back rooms where cash-stashed briefcases are exchanged. But the palace knows that if the popular Mulyani were muscled out of office, international confidence in Indonesia would dive.

Indonesia has improved its TI ranking and with an election due, corruption is front-page news again. The Corruption Eradication Commission has new mojo in going after politicians and businessmen. In recent months, it has zeroed in on a national police chief, various sleazy ambassadors scamming visas, a senior prosecutor, a presidential in-law — and even the conduct of the central bank. Parliamentarians of many stripes took backhanders proffered by central bank officials to get advantageous laws passed. The state's missing money runs into the billions, and some of it is yours, from the funds international donors provide. The bank's governor was arrested and for a time directed Indonesia's interest-rate policy from remand prison.

I attended the recent inauguration of the new central bank governor Boediono at Jakarta's Supreme Court, and it was quite an occasion. About 500 grandees lined up to pay their felicitations as he was sworn in, while Australian crooners Air Supply serenaded them with 'The One That You Love' through a croaky tannoy. Two guests made a big show of being photographed with the new governor; beaming vice-president Jusuf Kalla, one of the country's richest men, and, through gritted teeth, the bank's deputy governor Miranda Goeltom, now twice overlooked for the governorship. The fastidiously groomed Goeltom last paraded herself so publicly when making a pilgrimage to Suharto's deathbed in January. Miranda normally gets a positive press but is now maintaining an uncharacteristically low profile — after a whistle-blowing parliamentarian explained how he received $50,000-odd of travellers cheques when he and committee colleagues voted to re-appoint her as deputy governor. Investigators want to know where the money came from and if
senior slots on the central bank board were 'bought' by business interests. Goeltom pleads ignorance of such shenanigans — while the canary parliamentarian promises to hand back his new Mercedes.

Still, the biggest fish of all — various members of the Suharto clan, who plundered the country while Daddy was dictator — are yet to be fried. They still control huge sections of the economy through frontmen, and seem untouchable. Until they are dealt with, many analysts say, Indonesia can't truly claim to be serious about fixing corruption. I rued Suharto misrule recently when making an early morning dash for the airport. Halfway along the tollway, cheaply built in a mangrove swamp by his rapacious daughter, it disappeared under a metre's depth of a higher tide than usual. I just made my plane, but only after being soggily transported with dozens of other commuters, jammed in the back of an army truck which had been requisitioned for this national duty. It almost made me yearn for Heathrow.

Another of the country's richest is also the minister for the poor. Aburizal Bakrie and his family control a natural resources enterprise, but he insists that his two occupations are not connected. Indonesians are not so sure. They suspect him of helping bankroll the current government's run to office — a charge he denies — with his cabinet job as dividend. The Bakrie family has been around longer than Indonesia has been
independent from the Dutch, their wealth almost tripling to $5.4 billion while he's been in office earning a $1,600-a-month official salary — all down to booming commodity prices, he claims. Never very popular as a politician, welfare minister Bakrie is nearly as toxic as the family-owned oil and gas well that exploded in 2006 to ooze stinking mud over an eight-mile strip of East Javanese villages. Bakrie blamed a minor
earthquake.

Bakrie companies have been hard hit in the credit crisis. Their shares have fallen more than 90 per cent, and they owe billions to foreign bankers. Amid talk of government bail-outs, the popular schadenfreude at Bakrie's plight is palpable. I interviewed the effusive Aburizal last month and asked him to pledge to Allah with hand on heart that he'd never done business while in cabinet. And as he did so, I thought I heard a
collective 'hmmm' hum across the archipelago.

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Parties Embrace Chinese Candidates

The Jakarta Globe
Tuesday, January 27, 2009
By Camelia Pasandaran

The number of politicians of Chinese descent in Indonesia is increasing, a prominent Chinese-Indonesian politician has said.

Alvin Liem, a lawmaker from the National Mandate Party, or P, said that since the end of Suharto's discriminative New Order period, more Chinese-Indonesians had become involved in politics. "I don't see any formal problems for [ethnic] Chinese becoming involved in politics now."

Alvin said that during the New Order period, most Chinese-Indonesians were pushed to work in the business sector.

"Political parties are becoming increasingly aware of [the need] to have candidates from all ethnic groups," he said. "Even political parties that are based on religion. These religion-based parties have recruited Chinese candidates who are Muslim."

Anas Urbaningrum, the head of the politics division for the Democratic Party, said that Chinese-Indonesians had traditionally been shunned by political parties and many had never voted.

However, that situation is changing and the party has been inviting more and more Indonesians of Chinese descent to become party members, hoping to secure the support of the community, which makes up about 3 percent of the total population.

"We have around 30 legislative candidates that are [ethnic] Chinese," Anas said. "The number is even bigger for regional legislative elections, especially in West Kalimantan [Province]," he said.

According to Anas, the discrimination displayed toward Chinese-Indonesians, including not being fully recognized as Indonesian citizens by many people, often hampered their ability to play an active role in politics.

"Most of them have been traumatized by their previous experiences. They had to deal with a long bureaucratic process to become citizens," he said.

The situation improved after the House of Representatives, or DPR, passed the citizenship bill in 2006, making it easier for ethnic Chinese to be recognized as Indonesians and allowing easier access to correct documentation, he said.

"We give them plenty of opportunities for the candidacy," Anas said.

At the Indonesian Democratic Party of Struggle, or PDI-P, the number of Chinese-Indonesians participating in politics is higher than the average. Arif Wibowo, secretary of the party's team formulating the strategy to contest the upcoming elections, said that there were many ethnic Chinese actively involved in the party's internal affairs.

"Some of them even want to pay for their candidacy," he said. "However, we could not accept all of them as legislative candidates. We see it proportionally. In strong Muslim areas, we will not nominate a Chinese candidate, as there are not only ethnic differences but also differences in religion," Arif said.

Jeffrie Giovanie of the Golkar Party said that the number of ethnic Chinese in the party was high. "As we have established a long time ago, differences between Indonesians and Chinese-Indonesians is no longer a hot issue.

"One of our most well-known Chinese politicians is Basuki Purnama, or Ahok," he said. "He was a successful district head in Bangka Belitung [Province] and now is one of our legislative candidates. As the number of [ethnic] Chinese in our party is high, he's not really exceptional, compared to other parties that only nominate a limited number of Chinese."

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Widespread money politics feared

The Jakarta Post
Tuesday, January 27, 2009
By Agus Maryono Purwokerto

The Constitutional Court's Regulation No. 8/2008 on granting legislative seats to candidates who win the most votes, rather than handing out seats according to the age-old practice of party hierarchies, could spark an explosion in the practice of money politics, experts say.

The practice will be more widespread because the democratization process, especially in Central Java, has not yet taken full effect, Rubiyanto Misman, former rector of Jendral Soedirman University, said Saturday in Purwokerto.

"Money politics is inevitable because legislative candidates will compete against each other without necessarily thinking about the hierarchy used in earlier elections," he said.

"One of the most effective ways to entice voters is with money.

"This is the downside of the regulation. But the regulation has also its upside in that it opens the democratic tap fairly, gives chances to the candidates to compete without any fear of intervention from their party's board of management."

However, Rubiyanto reiterated that in general, Indonesians were not quite ready yet for an open democracy, citing regional elections in several provinces and cities that were plagued by money politics.

"In Banyumas, for instance, the example is very real. The elected regent during the election in 2008 was a candidate who was not popular at all previously. He became well-known because of money. but the fact is he was the one who got elected," he said.

"Frankly I'm worried, because with such a spirit, the people will only choose candidates who give them money, no matter how capable they are. If this persists, it will be very dangerous," he said, adding the danger would come from shoddily worked-out regional and national regulations drafted by incompetent
legislators.

Moreover, he went on, candidates with adequate capability and popularity risked being shunned by voters simply because they did not offer them cash.

"Therefore, with the issuance of this regulation, all parties who are concerned about this nation have to jointly conduct political education for the people, especially on how to choose only high-quality candidates," Rubiyanto stressed. He added that education on political ethics must be enforced from junior high school level to enable students to learn about democracy, saying, "If necessary, it can be given to elementary school students too so that when they are eligible to vote, they are prepared both in mind and spirit."

Muhaimin, a politician from the National Awakening Party's (PKB) Banyumas office, expressed similar sentiments, saying the practice of money politics was already rife.

"A friend of mine at the legislative council spent about Rp 50 million (US$4,500) to be disbursed in regional visits, even though the campaign period hasn't started yet," he said.

He added the new regulation would force candidates who previously held favorable spots in their parties' hierarchies to steal attention and sympathy from the public by, among others, giving out money.

"Yes, we all need money, given the high prices these days," said Rohmanudin, 45, a pedicab driver.

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Soetrisno Bachir: Newcomer to the Political Scene Has His Eye on the Presidency

The Jakarta Globe
Wednesday, January 28, 2009
By SK Zainuddin

Soetrisno Bachir is using his considerable personal wealth to further the political ambitions of both his party and himself. Although a relative newcomer to the world of politics, he is being noticed although the upcoming elections may prove too soon for him to make a serious run for the presidency.

It is no secret that Soetrisno has presidential ambitions. The businessman-turned-politician has been campaigning since last year with television advertisements and large posters spread around Jakarta and other major cities implicitly declaring his ambitions.

The chairman of the National Mandate Party, or PAN, is widely viewed as an emerging young leader. Independently wealthy, the 54-year-old is up with the times as well, boasting his own Facebook page.

He has recently been the subject of gossip over reports he lost an estimated $300 million in last year's stock market crash. Has the loss affected his ambitions? Not so, Bachir tells GlobeAsia .

His sprawling business empire — which includes coal, oil and gas concessions, palm oil plantations, real estate and a fishery business — is still doing relatively well.

By his own admission his biggest asset is his equity portfolio. He is one of the biggest minority shareholders of coal mining giant Bumi Resources and also holds significant stakes in PT Telkom and Astra International.

"I am not the only one who has lost money in the stock market," says Bachir. "In business one must face both profit and losses and to me it's all just paper."

"Whether I am worth Rp 10 trillion ($900 million) or Rp 5 trillion or Rp 1 trillion, it's all the same," he adds. "I only eat two meals a day and I have a simple lifestyle. What is important is that we must help the poor, especially orphans."

Notwithstanding the significant decline in his personal wealth, Bachir is offering attractive cash prizes for PAN candidates who do well in the upcoming parliamentary elections. The top prize of Rp 10 billion will be awarded to any PAN candidate who garners the highest vote amongst all candidates countrywide.

Political commentators say it will be an uphill climb for both Bachir and his party in the coming parliamentary and presidential elections.

Although still regarded as one of the most progressive political parties in the country, PAN has dropped below smaller, newer parties such as the Prosperous Justice Party, or PKS, and the Democratic Party.

"PAN is losing ground to newer parties and is no longer among the top five parties in the country," notes Dewi Fortuna Anwar of the Institute of Sciences. She adds that Bachir has not been able to consolidate the party, widely seen as having lost its way since Amien Rais stepped down as chairman.

Dewi notes that it is uncertain if PAN will be able to win enough votes to reach the threshold required to nominate a presidential candidate: 20 percent of parliamentary seats or 25 percent of the popular vote.

Bachir accepts that his party is not a frontrunner in the coming elections and is realistic about his chances of running for the presidency. "Our target is to win 15 percent of seats but if the threshold is 20 percent, we will look to form a coalition with other parties," he says.

In his view, at the most four parties will win enough votes to nominate a presidential candidate under the current law, currently being reviewed by the Constitutional Court.

Bachir and other party leaders are hoping that the court will repeal the law and order a return to the earlier requirement for a threshold of 12 percent of parliamentary seats in order to be able to nominate a presidential candidate.

As a businessman, Bachir is well aware of the need for a presidential candidate to have a strong economic vision.

His economic platform is built on two major pillars: promoting Indonesian-made goods and regional development.

"Our vision to build the nation must be based on locally made products but with value added," he says. "Because of our large domestic market, we do not have to worry too much about exports but we must curb imports to protect our local businesses."

As such, he favors pegging the rupiah to a fixed rate against the US dollar even if the rate is high. "With a cheaper rupiah, we can boost the economy."

His greatest fear is that Indonesia will be swamped with cheap goods from China and other countries and he claims that Indonesia is a victim of modernization rather than a beneficiary. In his view, modernization means having a certain mind-set and being open to the world but not being dictated to buy cheap consumer goods.

Indonesia, he adds, must modernize its agriculture sector, for example, by using modern farm equipment made in Indonesia. "We do not want to adopt what is being thrown out by other cultures. This is the job of our national leaders, to protect our culture and way of life."

For his second economic pillar, Bachir says that Indonesia can no longer be ruled by the center, Jakarta. More effort must be made to develop the country's far-flung regions by empowering local leaders to make decisions based on local conditions.

The president, he says, must meet regularly with local leaders.

SK Zainuddin is the editor in chief of GlobeAsia

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PKS Rally Did Not Violate Election Laws, Police Say

The Jakarta Globe
Wednesday, January 28, 2009
By Nurfika Osman

Jakarta Police have officially dropped an investigation into officials of the Prosperous Justice Party, or PKS, after failing to find evidence of election law violations during a rally the party held earlier this month, spokesman Zulkarnain said on Tuesday.

PKS chairman Tifatul Sembiring, Jakarta branch chairman Triwicaksana and Central Jakarta branch chairman Agus Setiawan were reported by the Election Supervisory Body, or Bawaslu, for allegedly engaging in political campaigning during a Jan. 2 rally against Israeli attacks on Gaza, several weeks ahead of the allowed period under election laws.

During the rally, thousands of PKS supporters wore the party's shirts and carried its flags. PKS leaders also gave speeches in support of Palestine. The election law forbids mass campaign rallies until March 17.

"Our investigators did not find any proof that they violated election laws during the rally," Zulkarnain said. "They were not found to have urged people to vote for their party during the rally."

Zulkarnain said a letter of order to stop the investigation was issued and sent to Tifatul's lawyer, Jefferson, on Tuesday, which the PKS confirmed.

"The letter is in Tifatul's hands now and the case is clear," PKS spokesman Ahmad Mabruri said. "We are not guilty."

The police summoned the three men on Jan. 15. However investigators only questioned Tifatul and Agus. Triwicaksana was not questioned as he was a member of DKI Jakarta's Regional Representatives Council.

Two weeks ago, the Jakarta Police signed two memorandums of understanding with government bodies to ensure coordination on election-related security issues.

The first agreement between police and the Jakarta General Elections Commission, or KPUD, outlined police responsibility during the election period. A second agreement, signed between the police, the Jakarta High Court and the Jakarta Elections Supervisory Committee, covered potential criminal acts during the general elections period, such as bribes for political favors, the display of political party logos and slogans on
government buildings, and tactics to attract people to vote for the party.

The city expects to deploy some 21,000 police officers at thousands of voting stations throughout the city to secure the election.

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KPU Position Weak on Female Quotas

The Jakarta Post
Thursday, January 29, 2009

Political experts and players on both sides of the controversy over the gender quota issued last week by the General Elections Committee (KPU) think there is little chance that the poll supervisory body can force the annulment of the most recent ruling of the Constitutional Court.

The court ruled last month that article 214 of the 2008 law on legislative elections, allowing the KPU to place a mix of candidates chosen popularly in regional elections and party favorites on the ballot for the national poll, was invalid.

According to the Court, only those candidates having received the most votes in regional elections should appear on the national ballot.

The KPU claims that article 214 allows it to act to ensure better gender balance among candidates.

This system was preferred by women’s groups because it guaranteed that female candidates would get at least one out of of three seats won by any given political party in every electoral district during the legislative elections.

Women’s groups advocated the imposition of a quota of 30 percent women in legislative bodies last week. In response to the Court’s ruling, KPU issued a regulation imposing such a quota.

Reacting to the KPU’s action, legal expert Irman A Putrasidin told The Jakarta Post Wednesday that “The court’s decision is final. There’s no turning back to the old system.”

He criticized the KPU decision in issuing its own regulation to be used against the court ruling, “They have no right to make a regulation to uphold women’s rights. That is not their domain.”

Legislator Nursyahbani Katjasungkana of the National Awakening Party (PKB) said that although the KPU had every right to take action to counter the impact of the court’s ruling, she was uncertain if this would stand up in court.

Chairman of the Indonesia Corruption Watch (ICW)’s ethics committee Bambang Wijayanto also doubted whether KPU was strong enough to maintain its stance against the court’s ruling He added that the best choice for KPU would be to ask the House of Representatives to grant a regulation in-lieu-of the law to
annul the court’s ruling. “This regulation has to be arrived at by agreement coming from all political parties.”

Many political parties have been quick to back the court’s ruling, because it provides them with more room to gain voters.

Rejecting all pressures from the observers, KPU said Wednesday it would continue with its plan to issue a decree requiring political parties to allocate seats for woman.

KPU member Andi Nurpati said the commission’s plenary meeting had agreed to issue such a decree should the government fail to do so.

The KPU has registered nearly 12,000 candidates competing for 560 seats at the House of Representatives on April 9.

Action to increase women’s representation in legislative bodies ahead of the 2004 elections, only resulted in 62 House seats being awarded to women, or 11 percent of the 550 seats.

Although the number of female legislators has increased since the 1999 polls, many criticize the low representation of women. Those supporting the plan claim an increase in female legislators would improve the House’s performance, and reduce corruption. (din)

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Government Backs KPU's Women Quota

The Jakarta Globe
Tuesday, January 20, 2009
Camelia Pasandaran

The General Elections Commission said on Monday that now that it has the government's support, it plans to stand firm on its proposal that a government regulation-in-lieu-of law be issued to ensure that a minimum number of women are elected in the national legislative elections on April 9.

State Minister for Women's Empowerment Meutia Hatta said on Monday that the regulation would provide a legal basis for the commission, or KPU, to proceed with its plans to support female candidates.

"We have to understand that this is affirmative action," Meutia said. "The Constitutional Court verdict was a step backward for affirmative action, but we hope this move by the KPU will work."

Last month, the court struck down an article in the election law to establish a majority-vote situation, under which successful candidates would be elected based on ranks set by their own parties.

Previously, the KPU had maintained a system that guaranteed at least one female candidate for every three candidates, to ensure that women would occupy at least a third of the seats in the House of Representatives.

The Constitutional Court dismissed this article, however. On Monday, the KPU said that the proposed new regulation would ensure that even if a party only presented two candidates, one of them would still be a woman.

In previous elections, most parties only gained two seats in each election area. The new proposal, therefore, would ensure that women occupy at least 30 percent of seats in the House.

Meutia said the new proposal should be more effective in establishing gender equality and fairness in the political process.

Abdul Hafiz Anshary, the KPU's chairman, said on Monday that the proposal needed the support of women's rights activists and politicians to pass. "Please back this plan, so the House will approve it," Hafiz said.

Lena Maryana, a United Development Party, or PPP, member in the House, said she supported the plan. "This is special because women have been marginalized," she said. "Women have limited resources compared to men, making it difficult to compete."

Hafiz said that because the regulation-in-lieu-of law would only be valid for three months, the KPU was also planning to issue its own regulation on the quota idea this week. This was because the election results won't actually be announced until May 9, after the elections and more than three months from now.

"If House members approve the government-sponsored regulation-in-lieu-of-law, it will already be invalid when most of the vote counting occurs," Hafiz said. "So we have already drafted our own regulation and will inform political parties of it [on Jan. 24]."

Ganjar Pranowo, a House member from the Indonesian Democratic Party of Struggle, or PDI-P, said the KPU is not a regulatory body. "It should not create laws," he said.

"Only the House and the government can issue laws."

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KPU insists on ‘free seats’ for women at legislative bodies

The Jakarta Post
January 21, 2009
By Adianto P. Simamora

The General Elections Commission (KPU) vowed to issue a regulation to award more legislative seats to women should the government fail to enact a government regulation in-lieu-of law (Perppu) on the matter.

KPU member Andi Nurpati said Tuesday the poll body was upholding the mandate to endorse legislative seats for deserving candidates, which according to the Constitutional Court are those who win the most votes .

“We have already drafted a KPU regulation if the government fails to issue the Perppu,” she said.

The legislative elections will take place on April 9, with about 12,000 candidates from 38 political parties contesting 560 House of Representatives seats. Female candidates account for about 30 percent of the aspirants.

The KPU has proposed the Perppu, measures enacted in the event of emergency, after the Constitutional Court annulled an article in the 2008 legislative election law which allowed political parties to assign legislative seats to their loyal members.

While many hail the court ruling as a victory for democracy, women’s groups have lashed out at the verdict, calling it a contradiction of earlier action taken to improve female representation at legislative bodies.

Andi expressed hope the government could immediately respond to the KPU’s request, saying the national poll body would need time to explain the Perppu, if there were to be one, to the regional election bodies (KPUDs).

To help settle the controversy, State Minister for Women’s Empowerment Meutia Hatta held a series of meetings Tuesday with the KPU and Justice and Human Rights Minister Andi Mattalatta.

Meutia, quoting Mattalatta, said the government might turn down the KPU request because the Perppu would be deliberated immediately in the House anyway.

“According to Pak Andi, there are a number of regulations that justify greater female representation in the legislative bodies, and they may all work smoothly,” Meutia said.

She warned that issuing the KPU regulation would create new problems, mainly because it contradicts the Constitutional Court ruling.

“The best thing that could be done would be to persuade the elite in political parties to issue internal measures on female representation,” she said.

Campaigners have long sought for a ruling to ensure a minimum 30 percent of legislative representatives are women, to put an end to the male-dominated decision making process in the country.

Articles concerning female candidates

Article 53

List of provisional legislative candidates submitted by a political party must ensure that 30 percent of the nominees are women.

Article 55

The list must ensure that of every three legislative candidates, at least one of them is female candidate.

Article 214

The allocation of legislative seats for a political party is based on the number of votes won in electoral districts, with the priority given to candidates who win 30 percent of the minimum votes required to secure a legislative seat. [The Constitutional Court annulled this article and ruled that seats go to candidates with the most votes.]

Source: Law No. 10/2008

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KPU Backs Down Over Female Quota

The Jakarta Post
January 31, 2009
By Adianto P. Simamora

The General Elections Commission (KPU) remains divided over a highly contentious proposal for a quota of legislative seats for female candidates.

KPU chairman Abdul Hafiz Anshari said arguing a legal basis without a so-called “government regulation in-lieu-of-law” (perppu) was too weak to push through the proposal for female candidates.

KPU members Andi Nurpati and Endang Sulastri have insisted however that regardless of the regulation, a law should be implemented by the KPU to outline the distribution of seats forfemale legislative candidates,

“We decided on the appropriate action at a plenary meeting but still need to think through carefully. We do not want the government to issue a regulation as a legal umbrella,” Abdul Hafiz told journalists in Jakarta on Friday.

He said the Constitutional Court’s ruling did not outline any real moves to grant more seats to women in legislative elections.

“The court only says the KPU could issue a regulation to determine seat distributions based on the number of votes won by candidates. There is no special award provided for female candidates,” Abdul Hafiz said.

Both Andi and Endang said the court had earlier authorized the KPU to oblige parties to allocate one of every three seats won in each district to a female candidate.

The court last month scrapped Article 214 of the 2008 legislative elections law, which allowed parties to determine their representatives in legislative bodies based on the numerical order system of seat distributions.

The law further stipulated at least 30 percent of their legislative candidates had to be reserved for women. The Constitutional Court overruled this prior law, stating the candidate who wins the most votes secures a legislative seat.

The ruling sparked outcry from women’s activists who claimed the ruling damaged their chances of winning a seat because of their lack of political exposure and poor financial support. Abdul Hafiz said the KPU had finished drafting a regulation on the distribution of legislative seats.

“We have to issue a ruling, but whether we consider action for women or not will depend on the government’s potential regulation,” he said.

Female legislators are demanding the government immediately issue a regulation to provide women with a fairer playing field to compete for seats in the House of Representatives.

“Without this government regulation, women do not stand a chance of being elected legislators, because the KPU does not have the authority to issue a regulation that offers any guarantees,” lawmaker Nursyahbani Katjasungkana of the National Awakening Party (PKB) told a press conference Friday.

She said the issuance of a government regulation would not taint the image of President Susilo Bambang Yudhoyono ahead of the upcoming elections.

“Issuing this regulation would not harm the interests of political parties or worsen the image of President Yudhoyono. Nor would it change the country’s political landscape post-elections,” she said.

Activists have long fought for a ruling to ensure a minimum 30 percent of legislative representatives are women.

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Parties doubt MUI edict will draw people to polling booths

The Jakarta Post
Thursday, January 29, 2009
By Abdul Khalik

Indonesian Muslims will ignore the recent edict by the Indonesian Ulema Council (MUI), the country’s highest Islamic authority, to ban vote abstention, as people’s decision to vote will be determined by political calculation rather than religious dogma, politicians from major parties said Wednesday.

Public participation in the election, they said, would be based on voter perceptions of whether the election could improve their economic, political and social conditions and make their lives better.

“It has nothing to do with religion. I doubt the edict will have done any good in drawing people to the polling booths,” Ganjar Pranowo, a senior legislator from the Indonesian Democratic Party of Struggle (PDI-P), said.

He said in a democracy, the people’s right to abstain from voting must be respected as it was their choice to make.

“We must examine what makes them ignore elections. If it is because they don’t believe the election can make a difference in their lives, I think the government and the political parties should do something about it rather than let the MUI take the lead on the issue,” he said.

The MUI issued several edicts banning vote abstention, smoking and yoga, during their national meeting in Padangpanjang, West Sumatra, on Monday.

Some 700 clerics from the council agreed Muslims were forbidden to abstain from voting in an election if “qualified” candidates existed.

House of Representatives speaker Agung Laksono also criticized the MUI for the edict, saying the religious body had gone too far.

“There are other ways that are more effective than an edict by the MUI. A political right cannot be enforced by a religious group or tied to religious practice,” he said.

The edict, Agung added, was a case of politics intermingling with religion, which did not mix.

“To increase participation at the polls, we need to reform the political parties and the way elections are organized,” Agung, a senior politician from the Golkar Party, said.

“The number of voters who abstain says something about the level of public trust,” he said.

Mahfudz Siddiq of the Prosperous Justice Party (PKS) agreed that it was the government, the General Elections Commission (KPU) and the political parties that had the responsibility of reducing unregistered voters.

“We welcome the MUI’s edict. But it is only advice, not a binding order. You see, many people don’t vote because they are not registered. The KPU, the government and political parties should work hand in hand to minimize unregistered voters,” he said.

As for people who really choose not to vote, there was no law prohibiting vote abstention.

Member of Golkar’s advisory council Marzuki Achmad said that fear of high abstention in the upcoming election has driven MUI to issue such an edict.

“We should appreciate it. But it won’t be effective unless we have a law about it,” he said.

A series of recent surveys have found that the number of voters intending to abstain was not high, ranging from 10 percent to 15 percent of total eligible voters.

What worries observers is the finding that there are many unregistered voters, reaching 25 percent of total eligible voters.

The KPU has come under fire for the high level of unregistered voters, with many critics saying it could threaten the credibility of the election.

With less than three months until the April 9 legislative election, the KPU still does not have a final voter list.

Late last year, the KPU announced the final list of eligible voters, which stood at around 172 million people.

However, following intense public criticism over the thoroughness of the voter list, the KPU submitted a draft
government regulation last month which allowed the poll body to revise its lists.

The head of the KPU logistics bureau, Dalail, however, rejected the plan, saying any revision of the final list of voters could disrupt preparations currently under-way, such as purchasing election materials.

“Preparing materials for the election will take a lot of time. We can’t determine how much it will cost with the voter list constantly changing,” he said last week.

The PDI-P’s Ganjar said the indication that there was a high level of unregistered voters was what should raise concerns, and strengthened his belief that the MUI edict would not work.

“It is the KPU that should be fixed. Its members are even undecided on the validity of their voter lists, which they have worked on for months,” he said.

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Megawati to handpick running mate

The Jakarta Post
Thursday, January 29, 2009
By Blontank Poer

Surakarta

The Indonesian Democratic Party of Struggle (PDI-P) ended a two-day meeting Wednesday no closer to picking a running mate for chairwoman and presidential hopeful Megawati Soekarnoputri.

Party executives had expected the gathering to result in a shortlist of candidates for Megawati's partner.

Megawati blamed the party's failure to name her running mate candidate on the prospective nominees' refusal to swallow their pride.

"Even now, none of them has announced a bid to be a vice presidential candidate. Everybody wants to be president," she said.

Several names have been touted as potential running mates to the former president, including Yogyakarta Governor Sultan Hamengkubuwono X, whom she met with three times in the past week.

PDI-P executives also tasked Megawati with forming a team to lobby prospective vice presidential candidates and another team to set the criteria for the running mate hopefuls.

Several surveys say the PDI-P will be the party to beat in the April legislative elections, with Megawati the strongest contender to President Susilo Bambang Yudhoyono.

Calls for Hamengkubuwono to team up with Megawati received a major boost earlier on Wednesday, with 31 provincial PDI-P branches backing him.

Media magnate and Golkar Party chief advisor Surya Paloh emerged as a surprising alternative candidate, supported by 14 provincial branches.

"The nomination of Pak Surya is quite surprising, but it's perhaps because of his close ties with the PDI-P," party secretary-general Pramono Anung Wibowo said.

Surya is a key figure behind a move to form a grand coalition between the PDI-P and Golkar, which has yet to bear fruit.
PDI-P deputy chairman and Megawati's husband, Taufik Kiemas, welcomed the idea of a Megawati-Surya team.

"This reflects the dynamics of the party. We always respect national figures," Taufik said.

The meeting was held at the four-star Hotel Sunan in Surakarta, Central Java, with room rates from US$80 to $410 per night. More than 1,000 people attended the event.

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Indonesian Security Forces attack Human Rights Defender and pro democracy demonstrators in Nabire, West Papua

Human Rights Report
Institute for Papuan Advocacy & Human Rights
Monday, February 2, 2009

Indonesian Security forces have attacked a group of 100 local people protesting about delays in local election in Nabire. As the police attacked some of the demonstrators telephoned Mr. Yones Douw, a respected human rights activist from the Kingmi church and asked him to come. When Mr. Douw arrived and began documenting the violence the Police attacked him. (29/1/09)

Local eyewitnesses, say that Yones Douw was kicked by police officers with their boots 3 times, then beaten on the side of his head and then punched in the face before being arrested.

Seven of the demonstrators were also arrested. An unreported number of others were also beaten and shot by police. Those arrested, including Yones Douw, were released after being held in custody for one day.

The Institute for Papuan Advocacy & Human Rights (IPAHR) has compiled a more detailed report about the incident, including details of the injuries to Yones Douw & thirteen local people. The range of injuries to the demonstrators included five people who suffered serious wounds after being shot by rubber bullets in the body & stomach. Others received head injuries and puncture wounds to the head, body limbs & feet after being kicked, beaten and shot with rubber bullets.

A local source has stated that a range of security personnel participated in these abuses, including units from the Police Dalmas and a unit of the notorious Brimob, Indonesia’s para-military Police, together with members of the Indonesian National Intelligence Service, BIN, and military officers from Army Battalion 753 Nabire.

Paula Makabory from IPAHR said, “The original cause of the peaceful demonstration in Nabire is that the local election, PILKADA, has been postponed 3 times since October 2008. The budget for the Nabire Region has been allocated and the Provincial Secretary, Mr Umar Kacili, a man from Sulawesi, has been effectively acting as Regent.”

“It appears that the local people are concerned that the budget is being administered by an unelected Regency Secretary to the Regency and that the local people interests will be ignored.”

“The Nabire & Paniai region has a long history of state violence, especially against the Mee people and members of the Kingmi church. Human Rights abuses routinely occur. It is an area where community health and education services have been neglected by the State. In 2008 two outbreaks of Cholera occurred. One of these outbreaks is ongoing and has caused hundreds of deaths. The area has mineral resources, including some surface gold mining operations which appear to be managed by the Indonesian security forces.”

“In many regions of West Papua there is dysfunction in the process of Regency elections but in this case local people are organised enough to protest the delay in local elections,” said Paula Makabory.

“The Institute for Papuan Advocacy & Human Rights demands that Indonesian Government, international governments and international Agencies at least take note of the ongoing violence occurring in West Papua at hands of Indonesian security forces and intelligence services.”

“The Indonesian Government must act to reverse the increasing violence perpetrated by Indonesian security forces, particularly by Brimob, in West Papua, in the lead up to the Indonesian General Election in April 2009. That West Papuan people be allowed to exercise their democratic rights of organisation and assembly and vote without threat to their lives, intimidation and violence.”

In particular IPAHR notes that:

1. Indonesian police have brutality attacked Indigenous West Papuans who were a conducting a peaceful demonstration seeking democratic process in local elections in Nabire. From what local sources have told IPAHR it is clear that the head of police in Nabire, Commander Rinto Jatmono is directly responsible for the assault of these people by ordering this attack. This event should be investigated to determine who gave the order to attack, as this kind of state violence is widespread in West Papua. There is a pattern of similar state violence in Nabire including an attack by Police on members of the Kingmi Church in December 2008;

2. Indonesian Security forces have attacked a recognised Human Rights Defender in Nabire. The Indonesian Government must ensure that the personal safety of Human Rights Defenders are safeguarded. Their role must be recognized as being crucial to bringing Peace in West Papua;

3. The Indonesian Government should allow free international media access to West Papua so that Indonesian Government activities can be internationally accountable;

4. Outside and international observers should be allowed by the Indonesian Government to monitor elections in West Papua.

For further information contact Institute for Papuan Advocacy & Human Rights:

- Paula Makabory +61 402547517

- Matthew Jamieson +61 418291998

Further Detail of Human Rights Report: 2 February 2009 Indonesian Security Forces attack Human Rights Defender and pro democracy demonstrators in Nabire is available at _http://ipahr.wordpress.com/2009/02/02/further-report_…tors-in-nabirefurther-report-indonesian-security-forces-attack-human-rights-defender-and-pro-democracy-demonstrators-in-nabire/

A photograph of Yones Douw is available from site above and on request.

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Yudhoyono Holds Sway

The Straits Times (Singapore)
Friday, January 30, 2009
By Bruce Gale, Senior Writer

UNTIL late last year, most political analysts were convinced that President Susilo Bambang Yudhoyono's secular nationalist Democratic Party would play only a minor role in this April's legislative elections. Several recent opinion polls, however, have led some to have second thoughts.

The consensus was that the legislative elections in April and the presidential poll in July were unlikely to change the status quo very much. Dr Yudhoyono would win in July, and Parliament would continue to be dominated by the current two major secular nationalist groupings: Golkar and the Indonesian Democratic
Party of Struggle (PDI-P). They would be followed by the President's Democratic Party, and an assortment of Muslim-based groupings such as the Prosperous Justice Party (PKS) and the National Awakening Party (PKB).

In recent weeks, however, several public opinion polls have been recording an unexpected surge in support for both the President and his party. Perhaps the most surprising was conducted last month by the Lembaga Survei Indonesia (LSI), a political consultancy. Reversing the usual pattern, the LSI reported that the Democratic Party was supported by 23 per cent of respondents, well ahead of both the PDI-P and Golkar.

Should these surveys prove to be a reliable guide to voting behaviour, Dr Yudhoyono could begin a second term of office later this year with far more room to manoeuvre in Parliament than he had in his first term. He would also have a freer hand in forming a new Cabinet.

In the 2004 elections, the Democratic Party came in a distant third, garnering 7 per cent of the popular vote compared to Golkar's 20.5 per cent and PDI-P's 18 per cent. Before last month, public opinion surveys had consistently put the Democratic Party in third place.

Meanwhile, polling organisations, such as the Reform Institute and the Institute for Economic and Social Information, Education and Studies, have been predicting that Dr Yudhoyono will win the July presidential election convincingly. He has long been regarded as the man to beat in the presidential race. But given the current economic slowdown, his increased popularity was unexpected.

All these polling results have been greeted with some scepticism. Several observers have hinted at political bias, while others have questioned the reliability of national surveys based on samples made up of little more than 2,200 voters.

But with opinion polls by different organisations reporting a similar strengthening of support for the President and his party, it is worth considering the possibility that there may indeed have been a significant shift in public opinion. And with the benefit of hindsight, it is not difficult to explain.

Two fuel price cuts last month, followed by another one early this month, have undoubtedly influenced many voters. Fuel prices have long been a sensitive issue in Indonesia. The controversial move to cut fuel subsidies in May last year as international oil prices soared damaged the President's popularity. Now that
global fuel prices are at more reasonable levels and Dr Yudhoyono has allowed prices at home to fall, it is not surprising that his approval rating has improved.

Other government handouts to voters in recent months include cash transfers to low-income groups, microcredit loans and salary rises for teachers in government schools.

While the economy is set to slow this year, rising unemployment has not yet reached the point at which the public at large is likely to notice. Meanwhile, the inflation that eroded the purchasing power of millions in the middle of last year has been virtually eliminated. Central Statistics Agency data indicate that the country has actually experienced deflation over the last four months.

Meanwhile, the Corruption Eradication Commission's (KPK) investigations have produced a series of high-profile indictments, trials and convictions, convincing many people of the seriousness of Dr Yudhoyono's campaign against this national scourge. The arrest last month of Mr Aulia Tantowi Pohan, one of Dr Yudhoyono's in-laws and a former deputy governor of Bank Indonesia, seemed to underline the point. KPK investigators allege that Mr Aulia, as a member of the bank's supervisory board, approved the illegal disbursement of billions of rupiah to bribe government officials and members of the House of Representatives.

Finally, the Democratic Party has been burnishing its image and that of the President by touting its successes through advertisements in the country's electronic and print media.

But neither the Democrats nor the President can afford to spend much time celebrating the improvement in their popularity ratings. This is because the political landscape could change dramatically once Golkar and the PDI-P begin campaigning in earnest.

The impact of well-financed upstarts such as Gerindra (Great Indonesia Movement Party) and Hanura (People's Conscience Party) - both run by New Order generals - also needs to be considered. Then there are the new faces emerging as potential presidential candidates, including Yogyakarta Sultan Hamengkubuwono.

Perhaps the most important challenge facing Dr Yudhoyono and his Democratic Party will be the slowing economy and the consequent rise in unemployment. In the coming months, as voters see their wallets shrink and memories of the fuel price cuts fade, they may not be quite so eager to support those associated with the current government.

bruceg@sph.com.sg

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Permadi quits PDI-P for Gerindra

The Jakarta Post
Saturday, January 31, 2009

Senior legislator Permadi has resigned from the House of Representatives and quit his party, the Indonesian Democratic Party of Struggle (PDI-P), to join the newly formed Greater Indonesia Movement Party (Gerindra) headed by presidential candidate Maj. Gen. (ret) Prabowo Subianto.

Permadi's decision dealt a serious blow to the PDI-P, which is determined to win the 2009 legislative election after being defeated by the Golkar Party in the 2004 elections.

"I met Prabowo two or three months ago and we discussed several issues. I decided to join his party because we have a similar vision and mission," Permadi told a press briefing Friday.

Permadi said Gerindra viewed the empowerment of the country's fishery and farming sectors, two industries he claimed were long forgotten by the current government, as crucial to developing the nation, an argument firmly believed by the first president of Indonesia, Sukarno.

Prabowo Subianto was the former Army Special Force (Kopassus) chief and son-in-law of the late former president Soeharto.

In 1998 Prabowo was accused of masterminding the kidnapping and disappearance of dozens of the nation's most prolific activists.

An internal investigation by the Army found a team established by Prabowo called "Tim Mawar" (the "Rose Team") was in fact responsible for the kidnapping of activists, some of whom have never been found.

In 2008, Prabowo formed Gerindra and was immediately named its presidential candidate.

Surprisingly, some noted activists and former victims of the Rose Team's terror campaign - including Pius Lustrilanang and Harianto Taslam - joined the party.

Permadi, a member of the commission I overseeing defense and foreign affairs, dismissed allegations of kidnapping against Prabowo, saying they had never been proven.

Permadi, who sent his letter of resignation to PDI-P chairwoman Megawati Soekarnoputri on Jan 27, said he had no issue with the party chairwoman and daughter of Soekarno.

"There was no conflict between me and Megawati, and I do care for her. But this is my decision," he said, adding he also sent a similar letter to the House Representative speaker, the National Election Commission and the President to inform them of his resignation.

Andreas Pareira, a fellow PDI-P legislator, expressed shock upon hearing the news of Permadi's resignation, saying it was a massive loss for the party and the House.

"We work at the same commission. He is an asset to the party. I know him as a loyal, disciplined and very honest man, rare characteristics here in the House," he said.

Head of the PDI-P faction at the House Tjahjo Kumolo said the party had no problem with Permadi quitting his party and the House but he did not personally understand his motives.

Speculation has been circulating that Permadi was disappointed with the party's decision to rank him lowly on the party's legislative candidate list.

Ibramsyah, a political analyst from the University of Indonesia, predicted that Gerindra would become one of the country's major parties, posing a threat to the established parties such as Golkar, PDI-P and President Susilo Bambang Yudhoyono's Democratic Party.

"It is logical that Yudhoyono would worry about this party because many influential retired generals are flocking to support it," Ibramsyah said. (naf)

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TNI and Police Pledge to Stay Neutral, Abstain From Voting

The Jakarta Post
Saturday, January 31, 2009
By Erwida Maulia

The police and military have faced increasing scrutiny over their commitment to remain politically neutral in the upcoming elections, with President Susilo Bambang Yudhoyono questioning the move and recent rumors.

National Police Chief Gen. Bambang Hendarso Danuri said Friday the force would remain impartial and refrain from overtly supporting a political party or presidential candidate.

"I guarantee there will be no preferential candidate or party supported within the police force. If there is any open display of support or bias conduct, we will dismiss the officers responsible," Bambang said following the inauguration of 15 new Indonesian envoys at the Presidential Palace.

He said ahead of the legislative and presidential elections that the National Police would focus on security in conflict-prone areas, including Aceh and the Central Sulawesi town of Poso.

Yudhoyono caused a stir Thursday when he claimed to have heard reports of a group within the Army campaigning against a presidential candidate identified only by the initial S, and also about police top officers working for a certain presidential candidate.

It remains unclear exactly who Yudhoyono was referring to, as there are a number of candidates whose names begin with the letter S, including Yudhoyono himself, former Jakarta governor Sutiyoso and former Navy chief Slamet Subijanto.

The president also asked the police and military top brass to explain to the public why troops and officers opted to surrender their right to vote in the legislative and presidential elections as evidence of their impartiality.

Although Yudhoyono said he did not believe the reports, both the police and military leaders took the president's statement seriously.

TNI Commander Gen. Djoko Santoso brushed aside allegations the military had been involved in politics ahead of the elections.

"We have maintained our stance. Rumors will not change our neutrality," Djoko said to the Antara news agency Friday.

"Since 2004, the TNI has remained neutral," he said. Those who violate the measure will face punishment in accordance with TNI regulations.

"Let's just wait and see if we need a disciplinary council to hear cases involving violations. While they may just be rumors, the President's warning needs to be taken into account," said Djoko.

Army chief Gen. Agustadi Sasongko Purnomo said he would order all the regional military commanders to take the President's warning seriously.

"I will tell the commanders not to belittle the principle of neutrality," he said. He added the Army would not hesitate to dismiss any soldier found guilty of engaging in political activities.

Air Force chief Marshal Subandrio and Navy chief Adm. Tedjo Edhy Purdijatno shared the view that the TNI should maintain its distance from politics for the sake of national unity.

Subandrio said division in the military by political affiliation would endanger the country's territorial integrity.

"Neutrality is needed not only to keep the TNI solid but also to build professionalism," Subandrio said.

The amended Constitution put an end to direct TNI political involvement as part of the reform agenda. In the past, the military and police played an often overbearing role in supporting the government.

As of 2004, the armed forces and police no longer held automatic representation in the legislative bodies.

The two forces decided to relinquish their right to vote in a pseudo-pledge of neutrality, even though the Constitution does not enforce a ban on the military or police from voting.

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