- The Jakarta Post, Aug 14, 2008
- The Jakarta Post, Aug 15, 2008
- Kompas, Aug 26, 2008
- SINDO, Aug 27, 2008
- SINDO, Aug 27, 2008
- Reuters, Aug 28 2008
- SINDO, Aug 29, 2008
- SINDO, Aug 29, 2008
- SINDO, Aug 29, 2008
- SINDO, Aug 29, 2008
- Cenderawasih Post, Aug 30, 2008
- SINDO, Aug 31, 2008
- SINDO, Sep 1, 2008
- SINDO, Sep 1, 2008
- SINDO, Sep 1, 2008
- SINDO, Sep 1, 2008
- SINDO, Sep 1, 2008
- Suara Pembaruan, Sep 1, 2008
- The Jakarta Post, Sep 4, 2008
- The Jakarta Post, Sep 4, 2008
- The Straits Times (Singapore), Sep 6, 2008
- New Straits Times (Malaysia), Sep 8, 2008
- Tempo Magazine No. 02/IX/09-15 Sep, 2008
- Tempo Magazine No. 02/IX/09-15 Sep, 2008
- AFP, Sep 11, 2008
- SINDO, Sep 11,2008
- SINDO, Sep 11,2008
- The Straits Times (Singapore), Sep 12, 2008
- The Jakarta Post (website), Sep 16, 2008
- SINDO, Sep 16, 2008
- SINDO, Sep 16, 2008
- SINDO, Sep 16, 2008
Most voter lists remain invalid: Survey
Abdul Khalik, The Jakarta Post, Jakarta
More than half of all the preliminary lists of eligible voters (DPS) released by villages and subdistricts throughout the country contain outdated data, a survey says.
The survey released Tuesday said the lists mostly mirrored the data on voters for the 2009 legislative election provided by the Home Ministry in April. The lists were intended to be updated by July.
The survey was jointly conducted by the Institute of Research, Education and Information of Social and Economic Affairs (LP3ES) and the National Democratic Institute (NDI) in 522 villages and subdistricts in all 33 provinces from Aug. 7 to Aug. 10.
Under the 2008 election regulations, the General Elections Commission (KPU) had three months to update the voter list after receiving it from the government.
All local election bodies should have announced updated preliminary lists at the village or subdistrict level on Aug. 8, leaving eligible voters with a week to verify their names on the roster.
However, election bodies failed to make public nearly a fifth of all such lists.
"The KPU's failure to announce preliminary voter lists in villages ... has threatened the validity of the final voter lists for the 2009 election," LP3ES researcher Fajar Nursahid said.
"If there is no list, how can they (voters) check their names? Also, the lists that were on display contained incorrect and outdated data. If most villages and subdistricts still have the outdated lists, then what kind of voter lists we will have for the 2009 election?" he added.
Fajar said the lists showed many voters were not registered, while others were listed two and even three times.
According to the report, only 30.4 percent of villages and subdistricts released "complete" lists, and 50.3 percent made the "incomplete" versions public, while 19.3 percent failed to make any announcement at all.
The survey also found that 65.9 percent of KPU employees at the village and subdistrict levels admitted they did not update the voter lists from the government.
More than 33 percent of them said the lists were of "very low quality", making it difficult to use them as a basis for updating, it said.
Another major obstacle was the fact that many KPU offices at the village level were not yet established, while most election staff also complained about unclear instructions from regents and other local officials on what to do with the original data.
Even in Jakarta, many subdistricts have not yet released the voter lists while some others only announced them on Aug. 11.
"We have not released our DPS because we have not received the list from the Central Jakarta election office," said a staff member at the Harapan Mulya subdistrict office in Kemayoran, Central Jakarta.
Penggilingan subdistrict in Cakung and Kramat Jati in Kampung Tengah, both in East Jakarta, were among the city's urban areas that did not make lists public.
Officials there said their subdistricts had just received the original voter data on July 27 from the local administration.
The LP3ES and the NDI suggested that the KPU extend the period of DPS verification to give people more time to make the necessary changes.
"The KPU should not rush finalizing the voter list ... considering that it still has eight months before the election," they said in a statement.
The KPU is scheduled to close voter registration on Aug. 27 and release the final list of eligible voters in October this year.
The Jakarta Post
Thursday, August 14, 2008
http://66.114.70.144/cgi-bin/terjem.rex?Most_voter_lists_in_Indonesian_villages_remain_invalid__Survey-80813001
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Watchdogs warn of chaotic polls
Abdul Khalik, The Jakarta Post, Jakarta
The 2009 legislative election could be delayed or severely flawed following chaotic preparations on the part of the General Elections Commission (KPU) in organizing the crucial national event, poll monitoring groups warned Thursday.
The government was also to blame for being too slow in disbursing election funds to the KPU, said the Center for Electoral Reform (Cetro), the People's Voter Education Network (JPPR) and the Center for Strategic and International Studies(CSIS).
"We may have a much lower quality than the 2004 election; or worse, we may not have an election at all if the KPU continues with such clumsy work," Cetro executive director Hadar N. Gumay said at a discussion.
The national legislative election is scheduled for April 9, 2009, with the presidential election sometime in October.
Hadar said the KPU's substandard work was apparent in the way it prepared the preliminary list of eligible voters (DPS), which he added was crucial in determining the quality and acceptability of the election by the public and political parties.
"Although Cetro did not conduct a formal audit on the registration process, we found randomly that the majority of villages and subdistricts across the country have yet to publicly release or update the lists," he said.
Hadar quoted a survey conducted by the Institute of Research, Education and Information of Social and Economic Affairs (LP3ES) and the National Democratic Institute (NDI) in 447 villages in 33 provinces between August 7 and 10, which shows more than half of voter lists released by villages and subdistricts throughout the country contained obsolete data.
The lists mostly mirrored data on voters for the 2009 legislative election, provided by the Home Ministry in April, the survey showed.
"The voter list determines how many ballots, ballot boxes and polling stations should be provided. We may end up overspending. Furthermore, invalid data invites protests from participants, leading to chaos," Hadar said.
JPPR national coordinator Jeirry Sumampow criticized the government for apparently making a deliberate attempt to slow down the election process by not disbursing the money needed by the KPU.
"I don't know what their motive is, but the KPU must have the guts to force the government to quickly disburse the money by either striking or threatening to resign. What can they do without money?" Jeirry said.
He said some KPU members complained to him they had to delay many activities because of a lack of funds from the government.
While similarly slamming the government for delaying the fund disbursement, Hadar also lashed out at the KPU for being slow in enacting regulations.
"According to our research, the KPU needs at least 48 regulations. But now they only have 20. We are still waiting, for instance, on a regulation on election funding," Hadar said.
CSIS researcher Nico Harjanto underlined the need for the KPU to start educating voters, with procedures and regulations for balloting much more complex than in 2004.
"Not only does the KPU need to tell the public where, when and how they can vote, but also why they should vote," Nico said.
"Education about the importance of voting and democracy is crucial in reducing the number of non-voters, which was recently on the rise in many direct regional elections."
The Jakarta Post
Friday, August 15, 2008
http://66.114.70.144/cgi-bin/terjem.rex?Indonesia_Watchdogs_Warn_of_Chaotic_Polls-80815001
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Activists Becoming Legislative Candidates - Tactical, Pragmatic or Adventurist?
Marcellus Hernowo -- As well as celebrities and family members of core political party leaders, the provisional list of legislative candidates that will take part in the 2009 general elections also contains a number of 1998 student movement activists. Is this one of the positive signs coming out of the process of democratisation in Indonesia, particularly in relation to the cadreisation of the national leadership?
1998 activists, who have become legislative candidates, include among others former People’s Democratic Party (PRD) chairperson Budiman Sudjatmiko and activists Pius Lustrilanang and Desmond J. Mahesa. The last two were also victims who survived the abduction of pro-democracy activists in 1997-1998.
Their decision to become legislative candidates is as if they want to follow in the footsteps of their colleagues who have already “tasted” a seat in parliament such as Anis Matta (Justice and Prosperity Party) and Nusron Wahid (Golkar Party).
As part of preparations to win a legislative seat, Sudjatmiko has opened offices in Cilacap and Banyumas in Central Java, the electoral districts where he will be competing in the 2009 elections. At both offices he is focusing on communications and meetings with various local social organisations such as youth, farmers and students.
“Coincidentally I was born and grew up in Cilacap. In 1990-1994, I was also involved in the organisation of plantation workers and farmers in the area so it is relatively easy for met to come to Cilacap and Banyumas, and struggle for the wishes of the residents of these two areas if, in the end I am able to get a seat in the DPR [House of Representatives]”, explained Sudjatmiko.
Sudjatmiko’s struggle to become a member of the DPR began on December 3, 2004 when he along with 51 colleagues in the PRD decided to become members of the Indonesian Democratic Party of Struggle (PDI-P).
“I became involved in practical politics, in this case a political party, because in order to bring about real reforms it requires political power. If in the past I struggled through demonstrations, now hopefully [it can be] through the DPR”, he said.
An almost identical view was expressed by the former general secretary of the National Gathering of 1998 Activists (Pena 98), Adian Napitupulu. “One of the recommendations of the Pena 98 National Meeting in June 2007 was to try to get into the legal political arena in order to ensure that there would be the reforms that had been anticipated. Because, after reflection, up until now our movement has had one particular deficiency, that is we did not have the capacity to implement policies. We are trying to overcome this problem by getting into parliament”, said Napitupulu.
As a part of implementing this recommendation, continued Napitupulu, members of Pena 98 have now become legislative candidates in 23 provinces, both for the national as well as regional parliaments, with various rankings on legislative candidate lists and with different political parties.
Lustrilanang, one of the victims that survived the abduction of activists in 1997-1998, has also decided to become a legislative candidates for the Great Indonesia Movement Party (Gerindra Party) because in his view, political power is required in order to carry out reform.
When asked about leading members of Gerindra, such as former army special forces (Kopassus) commander Prabowo Subianto and former National Intelligence Agency (BIN) deputy chief Muchdi Purwoprandjono [who is now standing trial for the premeditated murder of human rights activist Munir], two former Indonesian military officer who had to relinquish their positions because they were believed to have been responsible for the abduction of activists in 1997- 1998, Lustrilanang answered, “In politics there are no eternal friends or enemies. Besides, their involvement in the case has already been resolved legally”.
Moreover, continued Lustrilanang, his joining the Gerindra Party is part of an effort at national reconsolidation, which is an important model that is required for Indonesia to move forward.
“Among those that now claim to be reformists, there are also many whose bearing is the same as the New Order [regime of former President Suharto], obstinate and authoritarian. So, in the end, it all depends upon the person, and their commitment”, he asserted.
Prior to joining the Gerindra Party, Lustrilanang once became a member of the PDI-P and the Democratic Renewal Party (PDP), as well as establishing the National Unity Party (PPN).
As well as being motivated by the ideal of carrying out reform, there are also activists who have decided to become legislative candidates because they want to obtain political experience. “Aside from wanting to learn, there happens to be the opportunity [offered by the] 30 percent quota for women [on legislative candidate lists] so I took advantage of it,” said the executive director of the Institute for Public Research and Advocacy (Elsam) Agung Putri.
Cadreisation
There are also the consideration within the current democratic environment that it is quite legitimate for an activist to become involved in practical politics, because it is a part of their political right as citizens. Their decision to become legislative candidates is considered important for the cadreisation of the national leadership.
Under an open political system such as exists now, shouting and screaming is not enough to improve the life of the nation, providing correction from outside the system. It requires good and quality people to join in the system in order to improve it from within.
Moreover, they are convinced that Indonesia’s reawakening will take place faster if there is intensive networking and communication between those who are inside and those who are outside the system.
On the other hand however, the inclusion of young activists on legislative candidate list with a track record that is still relatively clean also benefits the political parties that sponsor them. These activists can provide “cover” for the poor records of these political parties in the past. Moreover, political parties can be seen as “reformist” or to be promising change. Such an image of course, is needed to bolster the number of votes they will receive in the 2009 elections.
The presence of these former activists will also enhance the bargaining position of the political parties concerned if later on they have to form a coalition or cooperate with other political forces.
In the end however, only the future will be able to testify to the real and basic reasons for these former activists becoming legislative candidates.
Is it really for tactical reasons, that is to more effectively struggle to build a better Indonesia? Or is it only for pragmatic reasons, that is because they can’t resist the temptation of enjoying the sweat rewards of power? Or, it could also just be part of an effort to fulfil the desire for adventure.
What is clear, is that 1966 activists Soe Hok Gie once deplored the position taken by some of his friends who began to forget their commitment because they were too busy enjoying the comfort of riding in a Holden sedan.
Hopefully such disappointments will not be repeated...
1998 activists on legislative candidate electoral lists:
Indonesian Democratic Party of Struggle (PDI-P)
- Budiman Sudjatmiko (former People’s Democratic Party
chairperson)
- Adian Napitupulu (former general secretary of the National
Gathering of 1998 Activists)
- Agung Putri (Institute for Public Research and Advocacy
executive director)
Democrat Party
- Anas Urbaningrum (former Islamic Student Association general
chairperson)
Justice and Prosperity Party (PKS)
- Rama Pratma (former University of Indonesia Student Senate
chairperson)
Star Reform Party (PBR)
- Dita Indah Sari (labour activist)
Gerindra Party
- Pius Lustrilanang (victim of the 1997-1998 abductions)
- Desmond J. Mahesa (victim of the 1997-1998 abductions)
[Translated by James Balowski.]
Kompas August 26, 2008
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Many 1998 activists are candidates in the 2009 elections
Around 200 activists from the reformasi period of 1998 are emerging as candidates in next year's elections, some for provincial assemblies, DPRD but as many as 70 per cent are standing for the national parliament, DPR. Director of Lingkar Madani untuk Indonesia, Ray Rangkuti said that the activists can be expected to have strongly-felt opinions, and push hard for implementation of the reformasi agenda.
He said they should steer clear of any kind of corruption and do nothing to damage the reputation of the 1998 generation. He was speaking at an event in Jakarta to launch this group of candidates.
Speaking on a separate occasion, deputy chair of GOLKAR, Agung Laksono said that 5% of the party's 675 candidates have withdrawn their names, most for technical reasons, and in some cases because they are older than 50. Some had withdrawn because they were not happy about the district they would be standing in and felt they would not be able to get the necessary number of votes to succeed.
SINDO, 27 August 2008
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Not enough women candidates
The Elections Commission, KPU has said that the majority of parties have failed to comply with the 'zigzag' principle for women. According to the election law, women should account for 30% of candidates, but this was not the case in some districts, where women candidates were too low down in the party lists, said Endang Sulastri of the KPU.
This includes some of the big parties such as GOLKAR and the PDI-P. This meant, she said, that they were breaching the requirements of the election law, which stipulated that one out of every three candidates should be a woman.
Speaking for the PDI-P, deputy chair Adang Ruchiatna said that they had complied with the quota but cadres in the regions were not satisfied because the places women occupy in the list.
He also said that the KPU was partly to blame because they have failed to properly explain the contents of the elections law which has resulted a variety of interpretations in the regions.
SINDO, 27 August 2008
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Indonesia's Yudhoyono, Megawati Seen in Tight Race
JAKARTA, Aug. 28 (Reuters) - Indonesian President Susilo Bambang Yudhoyono and his political rival, Megawati Sukarnoputri, are likely to be locked in a tight election race next year, a new poll showed on Thursday.
The survey, by Jakarta-based Taylor Nelson Sofres, showed 28 percent would vote for former President Megawati while 27 percent favoured Yudhoyono, a former general who won the country's first direct presidential election in 2004.
Yudhoyono came to power with the promising to tackle corruption, spur economic growth and create jobs. But his government has struggled to deliver on some pledges and his popularity fell, especially after he hiked fuel prices in May.
In June, a survey by another pollster, Indo Barometer, showed only 20.7 percent of respondents would vote for Yudhoyono, while 30.4 percent would vote for Megawati, a leading opposition figure in the dying days of former president Suharto's regime.
Indonesia, Southeast Asia's biggest economy, is due to hold a general election on April 9 followed a few months later by a presidential election.
Yudhoyono has not said if he will stand for election next year but is widely expected to do so. Megawati plans to stand in the 2009 presidential election.
For the latest poll, Taylor Nelson Sofres teamed up with the National Leadership Center, a private institute founded by a former military spokesman Graito Usodo. The nation-wide survey with 2,000 respondents was conducted between July 18-29.
"Looking at the polling result, it's going to be a tight race between SBY and Megawati," said Taufik Bahaudin, director of the National Leadership Center, referring to Yudhoyono's popular initials.
The fuel price hike in May due to ballooning subsidies on the back of soaring global oil prices sparked protests in the country where millions are already suffering from rising food prices.
http://66.114.70.144/cgi-bin/terjem.rex?Indonesia_s_Yudhoyono__Megawati_Seen_in_Tight_Race-80828001
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GOLKAR candidates include many from world of business
Fifty percent of the GOLKAR candidates for the elections next year are from the world of business. The rest consist of academics, artists, professionals and leaders of society.
GOLKAR's deputy secretary general said the businessmen come from several levels of business. He said the party had offered the chance of becoming a candidate to many public figures but many didn't want to risk losing their posts and enter the world of politics. [The regulations require that people working for the government must leave their posts if they want to become candidates and they would not be able to re-enter public service if they lost in the elections.]
This is the reason why so many GOLKAR candidates are from the business world. GOLKAR chairman Jusuf Kalla has acknowledged that the party's support in some regions has declined because some of its activists have been involved in corruption. He called on party activists to defend the reputation of the party. He also agreed to the idea that the process of selecting candidates should be based on the number of votes secured at a meeting of the national leadership.
SINDO, 29 August 2008
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PPP welcomes proposal from younger candidates.
The central council of the Partai Persatuan Pembangunan, PPP, is prepared to accept the principle of majority voting in determining which candidates get elected.
This was proposed in a petition signed by younger candidates and was seen as a move towards greater democracy. But the proposal still needs to be discussed in the council. 'We would accept this proposal as the way to accommodate the will of the people,' he said.
However, there were some in the party who saw this as a concession to the principle of liberal democracy. It would also mean that only people who were popular and who had plenty of money were likely to be elected.
A report on the previous day said that 75 PPP candidates had threatened to withdraw their names if the system of selecting candidates was not based on majority.voting. These 75 candidates were all signatories of a petition drawn up about this.
[This means selecting the successful candidates according to the number of votes they achieve and not according to the position on the party's list of candidates. TAPOL]
SINDO, 29 August 2008
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Prabowo Subianto seen as close rival for the presidency
The chair of the peasants organisation, Prabowo Subianto has come third in a poll testing the popularity of people for the presidential election next year. He followed closely behind the two top figures, Megawati and Susilo Bambang Yudhoyono.
He came third with 11%, behind SBY and Megawati who scored 27% and 28 per cent respectively.
In previous polls, Prabowo was very low down while the main rivalry was always between Megawati and SBY so the latest poll came a quite a surprise. One analyst said that this was probably due to the extraordinary effect of the electronic media.
Among the lowest in the poll were Wiranto, Abdurrahman Wahid and Jusuf Kalla, who got 5%, 4% and 2% respectively while Amien Rais and Aburizal Bakri didn't get a single vote.
[Prabowo was responsible for many abuses in East Timor during the occupation and was responsible for many atrocities against democracy activists during the final days of the Suharto era, but has never been indited for any of these crimes. TAPOL]
SINDO, 29 August 2008
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Interior Ministry ready to discuss amendment of Election Law
A spokesman of the Interior Ministry said it is ready to discuss a proposal for the Election Law to be amended, with regard to the way successful candidates are chosen. As the law stands at present, the choice is based on the candidate obtaining 30% of BPP (a share of the votes cast representing the number of votes divided by the number of seat in the DPR) but there is growing pressure for this to be changed to the principle of majority voting.
When the law was first presented to parliament, it including the principle of majority voting, but parties had a variety of views on the matter.'If the parties now want to pursue a different course, that's fine,' he said,' 'as long as the process for making the amendment conforms with the set procedures. It all depends on the positions adopted by the different groups in parliament. If most agree, the process will not lead to a lengthy discussion in parliament. It could be finished in just one day.'
SINDO, 29 August 2008
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MRP members would lose their positions if they contest the elections
Amid signs that quite a few members of the MRP (Majelis Rakyat Papua) are intending to stand for election to parliament, the chairman of the Working Group on Candidacy has said that these persons would have to chose between remaining a member of the MRP or contesting the election.
'This is because members of the MRP are on the payroll of the government which means that they must withdraw from that position and they would not be able to return to their former job.'
MRP members are subject to the same conditions facing government employees and members of the armed forcec and the police. If they haven't withdrawn from their posts, then their candidacy can not be formalised.
Cenderawasih Post, 30 August 2008
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Possibility of Amien Rais being challenged as PAN's presidential candidate
The chairman of the central council of PAN (Partain Amanat Nasional) Soetrisno Bachir, has said he is not likely to compete with his predecessor Amien Rais as the party's candidate for the presidency next year. He said he shares Amien's vision for the party and the determination to win 15% of the votes in the parliamentary elections. This would secure the party 83 seats; the chance for the party to put forward a candidate for the presidency would be open and the party would be united behind anyone who is proposed.
He fully backed an earlier statement by Amien Rais about putting forward a candidate.
An independent observer said that both men had weaknesses and strengths and either would be advantageous to the party if their names were put forward. 'Amien is well known to the public but this may no longer be a good time for him because in the 2004 elections he only secured 14% of the votes. Soetrisno on the other hand is now chair of the party. It's not just a matter of using advertisements but the men must also take action on the ground and do something for the community in general.'
SINDO, 31 August 2008
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If the election law is amended, the chances for women to win seats will
be damaged.
The pressure that is now growing for the Election Law's provision about the selection of the winning candidates to be amended could, according some observers, undermine the chances of women winning seats. The amendment under consideration would base the selection of the winner on the number of votes obtained by the candidates rather than by the person's position in the party's list of candidates, as the law now stands.
Ani Widyanti of the Faculty of Political Sciences (FISIP) of the University of Indonesia said that it will be very difficult for women candidates to attract votes unless they are very well known and able to compete with men
The Election Law requires that 30% of candidates should be women in order to secure a higher number of women in parliament. Parties are required to conform to the 'zigzag' principle which means that every third name on the party's list should be that of a woman. If the amendment goes ahead, this principle would no longer be relevant.
However, Hadar Navis Gumay, Director of the Centre for Electoral Reform, disagreed. Very few parties placed a woman at the top of their list. The results of the 2004 election showed that women did not get a seat unless they were right at the top of the list. She pointed out that in 2004, the majority of parties only won one seat in parliament. 'Is there any party that will put a woman at the top of their list?' Women have a much better chance of winning seats under the majority vote system, she said.
She said that the Centre had examined the 2004 election results and had found that by using the list placement system, women got 11.5% whereas taking account of the majority system, women would have won 14.9% of the seats.
A GOLKAR leader said that by adopting the majority vote system, candidates would be forced to strive much harder to compete. The change would mean that their position on the list was not important.
SINDO, 1 September 2008
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GOLKAR unlikely to be an opposition party
Mohammad Qudari of Indo Barometer believes that come what may, GOLKAR will remain within the government following the elections in 2009 by entering into a coalition with other parties, in order to avoid becoming an opposition party.
The chairman of GOLKAR's central council, Burhanuddin Napitupulu, said his party would not go into opposition. He said that the party was based on the kekaryaan principle [born during the era of Suharto] to serve the nation and the state.'How can it work on the basis of this principle if it is not within the government. It would enter into a coalition, he said, not only for the presidential election. 'We will build a coalition aimed at improving the governmental system,' he said.
Tifatul Sembiring of Partai Keadilan Sejahtera however did not believe that there could be a coalition between PDI-P and GOLKAR because the mass basis and historical background of the two parties were very different. The coalition between the two parties reached in 2004 had not run well. Asked whether his party would enter into a coalition with other parties, he said that they had been having talks with other party leaders.
However Anas Urbaningrum of Partai Demokrat felt that the coalition between GOLKAR and the PDI-P could run well but the possibility of a coalition between GOLKAR and Partai Demokrat was much more possible. [The present president and vice-president of Indonesia are from these two parties. TAPOL]
SINDO, 1 September 2008
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Pressure for an amendment to the Election Law reveals failings in the
legislature
The chairman of the DPD (Dewan Perwakilan Daerah), Laode Ida, believes that the plan to amend the Election Law is a sign that the DPR had produced a law that is far from satisfactory. The pressure to amend the law revealed that the members of the DPR (parliament) had been pursuing their personal interests and not considering the interests of the country.
The same view was expressed by Ray Rangkuti of Lingkar Madani untuk Indonesia. This would set a very bad precedent, he said. Such twists and turns meant that there was no certainty in the system. He himself had been in favour of a revision of the law to use the principle of majority of votes in determining the election of candidates, but the DPR will have failed in its work if that principle was only now going to be included in the law. Other parties could come along and want other revisions in the law, he said.
Laode Ida said that there were other failings in the Election Law. Members of the DPD had called for a judicial review of the Election Law at the Constitutional Court because it failed to mention the requirement about domicile for candidates standing for the DPD. Fortunately, the Constitution Court had accepted the inclusion of domicile.
Some parties which failed to secure a parliamentary seat in 2004 were critical of the DPR for its decision about the parties that were being permitted to take part in the 2009 elections. [The total number of parties which will take part in the parliamentary elections in 2009 is 38.] It was not for lack of time that mistakes had been made but because of the interests of the parties in question.
When the law was under discussion in the DPR, the idea of using the majority principle had been raised but was rejected, but now these same parties, including GOLKAR say they are favour of using that principle. Laode Ida said that the idea of revising the law was not necessary because the elections were now getting close [Six months still to April 9, 2009! TAPOL].
Representatives from other parties have also said that amending the law would set a bad precedent and would give a wrong impression to the electorate about the seriousness of the DPR.
SINDO, 1 September 2008
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MUI wants campaigning to stop during Ramadhan.
The Majelis Ulama Indonesia (MUI - Indonesian Council of Ulamas) has called on political parties not to get involving in campaigning for the elections during the month of Ramadhan (which started today). A representative of the MUI said that during the 2004 elections, there were reports that members of parliament was handing out sarungs and packets of food after evening prayers, and were using time after breaking the fast to give talks to the community. 'This was not good,' he said.
However, he said that the MUI would not want to prohibit campaigning as long as it did not lead to heated situations. 'As long as there are no slanderous or provocative statements or attempts to discredit others, that would be okay. But often campaigning involved all of these things.'
A member of the Election Supervision Body, Bawaslu, said that social and cultural activities were permitted as long as they conform with certain requirements and as long as they were conducted in accordance with the regulations. He said it would be wrong for electioneering to be conducted in places of worship; such things should not be allowed.
SINDO, 1 September 2008
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Hanura women's organisation working effectively
Perempuan Hanura, MTPH, (the party of retired general Wiranto), the party's women's group, has shown itself to be effective in getting votes by familiarising women with the party's programme.It has used occasions of Koran incantations to popularise the party among women. Although it was set up only five months ago, it had already attracted about 2,000 members.
A spokesperson of the group said that collective prayer sessions were a good occasion to bring the party to the attention of the public. The chair of the organisation said these occasions were not restricted just to members of the group but people from other parties could also take part. This was an opportunity to draw a link between the religious and political activities of the party.
SINDO, 1 September 2008
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Majority voting at the 2009 parliamentary elections
by Akbar Tandjung, former chairman of GOLKAR and chairman of the DPR in 1999-2004
[A useful attempt to explain the two opposing views with regard to the election of members of the DPR in April next year.]
The idea of choosing successful members of the DPR by majority voting is now supported by a number of political parties, among others PAN, PBR, Partai Demokrat, Hanura Party and GOLKAR
Law 10/2008 clearly states that members of the DPR will be chosen according to their position on a party's list (nomor urutan). This means that the candidate's position on the list is decisive in determining whether the he/she wins a seat in parliament.. However, the system of majority voting means that the candidate in a lower position on the list can still gain a seat if he/she is able to win a majority of votes, which will very much depend on the candidate working hard to win support from the voters.
The decision by a number of parties to adopt a position that is in conflict with the provisions of the law will have consequences for the elections, especially as the KPU (Electoral Commission) is required by law to operate according to the requirements of the law.
So what are the consequences of all this for the parties and for the elections?
Strong competition
The decision by a number of parties to support the majority system suggests that competition between the parties and candidates at the elections on 9 April 2009 will be much fiercer. Altogether 38 parties will be taking part: 16 are parties which now have seats in the present DPR, 18 are parties that were accepted by the KPU while four parties won the right to take part in the elections by taking the matter to the Administrative Court.
The large number of parties that will be taking part means that the struggle to win seats will be much fiercer. Some parties have a poor reputation with the electorate as the result of internal conflicts and unacceptable behaviour of some members, as reported in the press. At the same time, the lack of any clear distinction between the parties will make it difficult for them to present themselves with a distinct character of their own. People generally do not understand why so many parties are contesting the elections if there is so little difference between them. This will require each of the parties to engage in a level of innovation to present themselves to the electorate.
The system of majority voting is an alternative way to win sympathy from the electorate because this system means that the parties will have to try hard to appeal to the voters. Each candidate will have to work very hard to make himself or herself known.
The majority voting system will also mean that the decision to select the candidates will shift from the central boards of the parties to the grass roots. The better a candidate becomes known, the greater chance he/she will have of winning a majority of votes.
The participation of many artists and well-known figures in the elections and the use of advertisements is all part of the development of democracy. Whatever the critics may say, the emergence of well-known figures will make it easer for parties to win votes. In our system of direct elections, the role of well-known figures becomes more decisive than the party machinery.
Amendment of the Election Law
The system of majority votes is very good and will enhance the position of the parties in the eyes of the electorate. This is made possible by Article 218 in the Election Law which provides for the withdrawal of candidates Some parties which favour majority voting are requiring their candidates to sign internal pledges before being accepted as candidates stating their willingness to withdraw their names should they not receive a large enough number of votes. Once a candidate withdraws, the name will be withdrawn from the list submitted to the KPU to be replaced by other candidates who have obtained a bigger majority. If a candidate who is number three on the party's list has received more votes than candidates higher up on the list, the candidates higher up, say numbers 1 and 2, will have to withdraw, all of which is a matter for the party itself because the law requires that all elected candidates much obtain 30 % of the established share of votes, the BPP (see below).
This sounds fine as a way to resolve internal conflicts within the parties but what happens if a candidate is chosen to become a member of the government and is appointed as a minister (which means that he/she will have to withdraw from parliament), then how will the replacement be chosen? And if there is a remainder of unused votes, how will these be dispensed, according to the majority voting system or on the basis of the candidate's position on the party's list?
And moreover, will it be possible for internal party mechanisms to be upheld by the candidates? If not, I fear that many problems will emerge because the system is in conflict with the election law.
In my opinion, this means that a minor amendment is needed in the law so as to legitimise the system of majority voting . This would also eliminate the impression of inconsistency among parties which now hold seats in parliament. They were the ones who discussed and adopted the law but are now trying to act in violation of that law. There is still time to sort this problem out, between now and December, should the parties want to make the necessary changes to the law.
The problem is that not all parties agree with the majority voting system; some still support the provisions of the Election Law which states that if a candidate secures that 30% threshold, he/she will automatically become a member of parliament, depending on his/her position in the party's list. It is to be hoped that the system that is ultimately agreed will be able to accommodate the wishes of the two groups with opposing views, so that the elections can precede satisfactorily.
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BPP - Bilangan Pembagi Pemilihan - as mentioned in the Election Law for attaining a seat in parliament is the number of lawful votes won by all parties which participated in the election which have reached the threshold of two and a half percent of votes cast in the election in that particular district for the seats in that district which will determine the number of seats won by the party.
[Readers will understand that some specific features of the Election Law are proving quite difficult to explain. TAPOL]
Suara Pembaruan, 1 September 2008
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Jakarta Post Editorial:
Direct Legislative Election
The legislative election is half a year away, and yet the existing legislation regulating the electoral process, which is still party- rather than people-oriented, has lately become the sticking point threatening the smooth and timely organization of the political event which occurs every five years.
There has been increasing pressure -- both inside and outside the House of Representatives -- to have this law amended, especially the article regarding the selection of candidates for the 2009 legislative election.
The 2008 Law on Legislative Elections, constitutionally valid for next year's election, stipulates that a party candidate will earn a seat if he/she manages to gain a minimum 30 percent of the vote division number (BPP) -- calculated by dividing the number of votes with the number of legislative seats at stake in an electoral district.
If no candidate can reach the threshold, the law says seats obtained by the party will be given to those ranking at the top of the party's list of candidates.
Despite the existing stipulations, attempts have been made by some political parties, through their five factions at the House, to amend the legislative election law: Among other means, proposing a majority vote system for the selection of candidates to be elected; or that the General Elections Commission (KPU) conduct the candidate selection based on political parties' internal mechanisms.
The majority vote base means that remaining seats would go to candidates who earn the most votes, regardless of their ranking in party lists.
The five factions' move, however, has been challenged by women's activists who have demanded the party rank system be retained as it provides more opportunities for female candidates to be elected.
The 2008 law does not strictly regulate the serial numbering mechanism for legislative candidates submitted by each political party in the election. It only stipulates at least one in every three candidates submitted be female.
Activists have also disagreed with the proposal that the KPU let the political parties' internal mechanisms elect candidates as this would be open to manipulation and backroom deals.
Other critics, however, back the majority vote mechanism because electing candidates using a party list system, they say, would facilitate a continued domination of legislative bodies by party loyalists -- irrespective of their public popularity.
The five House factions, their supporters and the women's activists all have solid points supporting their respective arguments. However, there is not a one-size-fits-all mechanism for every aspect of our lives, including politics, and there certainly will not be such a mechanism for the selection of legislative candidates that will satisfy the interests of everyone at stake.
The 2008 law is indeed far from perfect, but it is the available valid regulation that we have for the 2009 legislative elections. And if we later fail to develop the perfect law for the legislative elections (through the amendments proposed), in time at least the nation will still have an opportunity to get the best parliamentarians elected in next year's election (those who are hoped to produce the best legislation in the future, including regulations for the subsequent 2014 legislative election).
To begin with, all political parties contesting next year's election should stop forwarding their own interests, and put those of the people (voters) -- the true holders of all political decision-making processes in Indonesia -- above the interests of any other individuals or groups.
Whatever mechanism is eventually agreed upon next year, it must be obtained through an agreement of the majority, and aim to provide maximum opportunities for people to access the country's political affairs (including in the decision-making process at the future House of Representatives, whose members they elect).
Democracy, by definition, is a government or system in which the supreme power is vested in the people, and is exercised by them directly or indirectly through a system of representation usually involving periodical free elections. Therefore in selecting the best election legislation mechanism, we must also let the people decide.
The Jakarta Post
Thursday, September 4, 2008
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Opinion polls name likely victors before election day
Khairul Saleh, The Jakarta Post, Palembang
A day ahead of the South Sumatra gubernatorial election, survey bodies were still thronging the airwaves, promising victories for their respective candidates.
The Indonesian Strategic Survey Institute (LSSI) on Wednesday exposed its survey results, anticipating a victory for Alex Noerdin and Eddy Yusuf (ALDY) over their rivals Syahrial Oesman and Helmi Yahya (SOHE).
The survey, conducted across the province's 15 regencies and municipalities, involving 1,650 respondents, indicates ALDY will win 46 percent of the respondents' votes, while SOHE will win only 33 percent. The remanding 21 percent of constituents will not vote, according to LSSI.
"ALDY tops the survey following an alleged corruption case involving a governor hopeful," LSSI director Ismail Taufik said.
Free education and health service programs promised by ALDY will attract residents to vote for the pair, Ismail said.
"These programs are not just promises. They have already been realized in Musi Banyuasin regency, where Alex Noerdin was the regent," he said.
Meanwhile, the Center for Strategic Development and Policy Studies (Puskaptis) announced its survey results, confirming SOHE's popularity with 49.8 percent of 1,500 respondents saying they would vote for the pair.
SOHE was nominated by a coalition of political parties including the Indonesian Democratic Party of Struggle (PDI-P), the Prosperous Justice Party (PKS) and the United Development Party (PPP).
ALDY, which was nominated by another coalition including the Golkar Party, the National Mandate Party (PAN) and the Democratic Party (PD), won only 42.6 percent, Puskaptis said.
The remaining 7.6 percent of respondents said they had not decided which pair to vote for yet.
Speaking to The Jakarta Post, political observer Soleh Idrus from Palembang Muhammadiyah University said every institution was free to conduct a survey of its own.
What people need to know is the method and counting system used to see whether the survey is scientifically conducted or just based on visual observations, he said.
"It's also worth noting that we cannot trust the results of a survey as being 100 percent true," he said.
To a certain degree, according to Soleh, a survey has no impact. However, in less-educated communities, surveys can often impact people's preference. Politically motivated surveys capitalize on this.
Soleh, however, said he was confident that South Sumatra voters were smart enough to see whether a survey was objective and unbiased.
Over five million people are expected to cast their votes for the two candidate pairs on Thursday through some 14,500 polling stations (TPS) across the province's nearly 3,000 subdistricts.
Governor hopeful Alex Noerdin is scheduled to vote at TPS 03 in Talang Semut subdistrict, Bukit Kecil, while Syahrial Oesman at TPS 18 in 18 Ilir subdistrict, Ilir Timur II, Palembang.
Alex's running mate Eddy Yusuf will cast his vote in his hometown of Baturaja, Ogan Komering Ulu regency, while Syahrial's running mate Helmi, a noted celebrity, will not vote because he is not a registered voter.
To make sure the election runs smoothly, South Sumatra Police will deploy over 50,000 security officers, comprising of about 11,500 policemen, 1,000 soldiers and over 38,000 People's Protection members.
The Jakarta Post
Thursday, September 4, 2008
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Silly Season Starts Early
John McBeth, Senior Writer
ANXIOUS to get in some early punches, President Susilo Bambang Yudhoyono's parliamentary critics accused him of using his Aug 15 state-of-the-union speech to campaign for next year's legislative and presidential elections.
What did they expect? Perhaps someone should tell them that is what you do when you are the incumbent president and have just seen a sharp dip in the polls caused by a hugely unpopular decision to raise oil prices.
More so because this was probably Dr Yudhoyono's last major policy address before next year's legislative and presidential elections when he is widely expected to seek a second five-year term. Getting out the policy message is what election campaigns are normally all about. But up to now, that has been sadly lost on most of Indonesia's political parties.
It is also lost on the media.
Starting a lot earlier than usual, newspapers are already questioning whether the new General Elections Commission (KPU) is up to the task of actually organising the elections. They criticise the KPU for failing to register as many as 36 million of the country's estimated 174 million eligible voters - up from 155 million in 2004 - and neglecting to issue timely regulations.
And the commission, for its part, is blaming the government for taking too long to update its census figures and political parties for not encouraging their constituents to register.
The real cause may be unrealistic deadlines set in the Election Law.
We heard all this before in the months leading up to the April 2004 parliamentary elections, but somehow the KPU muddled through - as it did in 1999, just a year after then-president Suharto's downfall.
The reason the media focuses so much on the mechanics of an election is that there is little else to write about. And the reason for that is elections are invariably fought on anything but the issues.
Hence the reaction to Dr Yudhoyono's early campaign speech - and the outrage from Ms Megawati Sukarnoputri's opposition Indonesian Democratic Party for Struggle (PDI-P) over revelations about an unfavourable gas deal signed with China when she was president.
The 'platforms' of most of the parties - when they are available - are so general in nature it is difficult to take them seriously, let alone take them as a guide to what the parties might do in government.
More important is the choice of candidates. Already there are squeals of outrage from inside Golkar and the National Mandate Party (PAN), in particular, that long-established members are losing out to celebrities. This presents a real dilemma. Golkar's poor showing in recent gubernatorial elections has been put down to the fact that it has been keeping faith with old-style party hacks, rather than casting its net wider in search of candidates who are more electable.
Electoral watchdog bodies are already predicting a lower turnout next year - down from 67.5 per cent for the legislative elections and 79 per cent for the first round of the presidential race in 2004.
Non-voters are always lumped together as Golput (short for Galongan Putih, or 'White Group') because they do not favour the colour of any party. The inference is that they are refusing to vote as a form of protest. But as in all elections - in Indonesia as elsewhere - there are those who are simply not interested in participating in the democratic process.
Some of the apathy, of course, stems from a healthy disillusionment with politics-as-usual - a disillusionment that most of the big parties simply refuse to recognise or pay any attention to.
It has never been much of a secret, but no party seems to be immune from the widening scandal over parliamentary payoffs for everything from bureaucratic positions to the creation of new provinces and districts.
Some of the apathy arises from the feeling that 2009 is a transitional election, that the real changes will come only with the expected emergence of a new generation of leaders in 2014.
It is easy to understand that. Most of the declared presidential candidates so far are the same old faces who have dominated politics since the fall of Suharto more than a decade ago.
As long as they stand in the way, it is difficult to see what a new leader looks like, let alone him getting a shot at freeing Indonesia from its past.
The silly season has dawned early with newspapers publishing a poll in which a team of experts decided Sultan Hamengkubuwono X of Jogjakarta had the best credentials to be president.
The criteria: his commitment to pluralism, his ability to solve social problems and his capacity to make quick decisions.
Economic management did not seem to be a major factor.
Let's face it: For all the criticism heaped on him, President Yudhoyono is still the candidate to beat. But the large pool of uncommitted voters in almost every poll suggests the field is wide open to a dark horse.
There is no one in sight. So in the meantime we will have to put up with the media's single-minded fixation on whether the elections will be held at all.
The Straits Times (Singapore)
September 6, 2008
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Indonesia's Political Leaders-In-Waiting
AS descendants of the country's political dynasties, these famous scions are being groomed to take over the leadership reins in elections next year, writes AMY CHEW.
Indonesia's political dynasties are grooming their offspring to be future leaders. Many more relatives of the country's party leaders will be contesting in next year's elections. Some decry this as nepotism to deepen the current leaders' hold on power; others see it as a natural phenomenon for those born into the ruling class.
The roster of offspring candidates reads like the A-list of the country's politicians. Top of the list is President Susilo Bambang Yudhoyono's youngest son, 28-year-old Edhie Baskoro, who will be contesting as a candidate from his father's Democratic Party (PD).
Just as eye-catching is Puan Maharani, daughter of former president Megawati Sukarnoputri, who will be contesting on a ticket with the Democratic Party-Struggle (PDIP), which her mother chairs.
Puan, 35, is Megawati's youngest child and the granddaughter of the country's founding father, Sukarno.
Analysts say the ability of famous scions to lead very much depends on their exposure to politics and having their parents show them the ropes.
"The potential of each candidate varies from person to person," said Muhammad Qodari, executive director of Indo Barometer, a pollster and research agency. "If the candidate has followed his or her parents closely and been exposed to politics, they will possess the skill and the spirit to be a politician."
As descendants of the country's political dynasties, they are expected to draw votes in the political strongholds of their elders.
"The candidates' ability to draw votes will very much depend on the popularity of their parents. If their parents are very popular, their offspring will be able to attract voters in the political stronghold of their families," says Qodari.
"I expect Puan Maharani and Edhie Baskoro to do well in the elections."
There is no denying the drawing power of the Sukarno name. He died in 1970 but remains well loved by many who see him as a true-blue nationalist who galvanised the country's disparate ethnic and religious groups to fight for independence from the Dutch.
"The Sukarno name will always be popular with the people," a retired general once said.
Megawati's popularity is a combination of her father's name and her courage to stand up to the late President Suharto's iron-fisted rule.
It was that popularity which saw Megawati become the country's fifth president before losing to Susilo in 2004.
However, recent polls show that Megawati is resurgent, overtaking Susilo by a small margin in the popularity stakes. This configuration is not static and is expected to change; the dynamics of popularity are in a constant a state of flux. Many expect Susilo to be re-elected.
Former armed forces chief General Wiranto has named his wife Uga to run under his People's Conscience Party (Hanura) in her home town of Gorontalo.
The elegant Uga is remembered for the wit and charm she displayed when campaigning for her husband Wiranto during his bid for the 2004 presidential race.
"Uga is very popular in Gorontalo," said Hanura party member Muhammad Hikam, defending her nomination. "She is very active and has worked hard in social activities there since a long time ago.
"People should not generalise all family nominations as nepotism. It should be evaluated on a case-by-case basis. Unlike Mega's daughter and Susilo's son, Uga has a track record."
Of all the newly established parties, Hanura is the one many expect to do well.
But not all family members of the political elites are getting the thumbs-up from the people. Famous politicians who thrust their children or family members overnight into the limelight are unlikely to get the popular vote.
"Those who enter politics suddenly without going through a meaningful political process will not last long," said Qodari.
Critics object to such nominations, seeing them as an attempt by politicians to protect their respective interests by installing their own people.
"I disagree with this practice," says Syafik Alielha, a former student activist who fought for the country's political reforms. "Politicians in Indonesia always pick their own friends or family members because they are considered more loyal and better able to protect their political interests.
"When they become members of parliament, they will only fight for the interest of their families and oligarchies. They do not have any sense of responsibility towards the people and will not fight for them."
Parliament House, which the people held up as a symbol of hope and change during the reform era, shattered that dream when MP after MP was arrested or investigated for corruption involving millions of rupiah in the past four years.
Political observers think the nomination of family members of political dynasties will do little to reform and improve the quality of politicians and lawmaking in Parliament, but further entrench corruption.
"Unfortunately, this practice is so deeply rooted in our culture it is difficult to avoid,"says Syafik. "Indonesian politics always tends to be dynastic and because our society is still relatively feudal, people accept the descendants of the ruling class."
But pragmatism also prevails among all the major political parties, which realise times are changing and that society demands integrity from their MPs. Accordingly, the parties have also put up many young candidates in their 30s, along with former student activists who toppled Suharto in 1998.
This fresh crop of candidates is well educated; many are professionals. Some are well known and most are untainted by the corruption of the past.
"The political parties cannot close their eyes to people of good qualities," said Qodari.
Syafik, who refused to vote in the past two elections because of the poor choice of candidates, says he is considering exercising his vote this time round. "I have to say there are some good names that have got in. Many of them are former activists with good character."
New Straits Times (Malaysia)
Monday, September 8, 2008
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New political parties demand that the 2.5 percent parliamentary threshold be scratched.
THE new monster is called parliamentary threshold. Those who feel scared are a number of new parties to take part in the 2009 General Elections. It requires participants in the next year's general election to attain at least 2.5 percent of total votes. If not, the party will not be allowed to take part in the following elections. More than that, they will not even get a single seat in the House of Representatives (DPR)—although in several regions they managed to garner votes to put a party member in Senayan, the DPR headquarters. This week a number of new parties will file a suit at the Constitutional Court against General Election Law No. 10/2008, which regulates the parliamentary threshold.
Earlier there were talks among the new parties. Chairman of the Nation's Sun Party, Imam Addaruqutni, for example, held discussions with Adhi Massardi, Secretary-General of the United Regional Party, to devise a legal strategy. They also lobbied the DPR to revise Law No. 10/2008. According to Adhi, the parliamentary threshold is against the Constitution. "The system kills democracy," said the spokesperson for former President Abdurrahman Wahid.
Two weeks ago the new parties convened at the Bidakara Hotel, Jakarta. A week later, a similar meeting took place at Kartika Chandra Hotel. In the meetings, leaders of the new parties formed the 18 Political Parties Communication Forum. Chairman of the United Regional Party, Oesman Sapta, was appointed coordinator.
Many have predicted that the small parties' votes garnered in next year's general elections would be no better than in 2004. New parties will also only gain meager votes. If this assumption holds true, it will be the end for the Prosperous Peace Party (PDS), which in the last general election got only 2.4 million votes (2.1 percent). If in the 2004-2009 period they got 13 seats in the DPR, with the new regulation they will not even get a single representative.
Another example is the Reform Star Party (PBR). In the last elections the PBR garnered 2.7 million votes (2.4 percent). If in the 2004-2009 DPR they managed to put in 11 members, with this new ruling they will not get a single seat.
The new parties' leaders are worried although they officially claim to be sure of getting 2.5 percent votes. "Please don't kill us. Give us a chance," said Imam Addaruqutni. According to Deputy Secretary of the Indonesian General Elections Independent Monitoring Committee, Jojo Rohi, if the parliamentary threshold is to be applied, there will be only seven or eight parties with representatives in the DPR. Big parties' domination will be even greater with the fact that members of political parties are allowed to be representatives in the Regional House of Representatives (DPRD). "There's no checks and balances," he said.
According to Adhi, the parliamentary threshold adopts the German general election system. The purpose is to deter parties with fascist ideology, most of which do not have many supporters, to get into parliament. In Indonesia, said Adhi Massardi, there is no fascist party. Therefore, this limitation model is inappropriate. "We are not a neo-Nazi party," he said.
In fact, the parliamentary threshold exists as a political barter in the DPR. Early last year, 17 parties that failed to get 2.5 percent votes in the 2004 elections asked for a waiver to participate in the coming elections without going through the verification process. As compensation, the small parties accepted the parliamentary threshold requirement in the following general elections. "This is our deal with the small parties," said Golkar Deputy Secretary-General, Rully Chairul Azwar.
The spirit of this system, said Rully, is to limit the number of parties, in accordance with the aspirations of many circles, including higher learning institutions and NGOs. According to Jojo, however, limitation should be put through a strict regulation for parties in order to be able to participate in the general elections, not by dismissing votes.
Sunudyantoro
Tempo Magazine No. 02/IX/09-15 September, 2008
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Legislative Candidates: Scrambling for Top Numbers
Using money and closeness to top party leaders, many fight over top numbers on the list of legislative candidates.
NEARING dawn in the parking lot of the Indonesian Democratic Party of Struggle (PDI-P) Central Executive Board office at Lenteng Agung, Jakarta, a fortnight ago, a legislative candidate was chain-smoking while dialing his cellphone.
It was a depressing morning for the would-be legislator. That day the PDI-P Central Board planned to send the provisional list of legislative candidates to the General Elections Commission (KPU). He had been assured by a party executive that his name would be listed on the winning number. However, at midnight another candidate tried to push him off. "Somebody is after my number," he said.
Through a messenger, this candidate sent a message imploring the party executive to keep an eye on his number. Not anybody can access the PDI-P Central Executive Board computers, hence his incessant telephoning and text-messaging. Good luck was on his side, as until the submission of the list to the KPU, his position was secure. In gratitude, this would-be candidate gave the "insider" a Rolex watch worth tens of millions of rupiah.
Another candidate from the PDI-P, disclosed a Tempo source, had to grovel to Taufiq Kiemas, husband of PDI-P General Chair Megawati, for a winning number. He had to do so because another candidate attempted to brush him aside through Megawati's good offices. Fortunately, "Pak Taufiq's persuasive overture succeeded in convincing Ibu Mega," said the source. "That person is listed on the winning number."
While the candidates from the PDI-P employed "subtlety" in their attempt to get securely listed, Syaifuddin, a legislative candidate from the United Development Party (PPP) from the Malang Raya constituency, resorted to violence. Gus Din, as Syaifuddin is called, used mobs to storm Malang's PPP Executive Board office in East Java on Thursday two weeks ago. Carrying posters and delivering fiery speeches, they set fire to the office chairs and the party flags.
At first, Gus Din, son of Kiai Syirad, the founder of the Babussalam Islamic boarding school in Malang, felt secure after being recommended by Kiai Alawy Muhammad, Deputy Chairman of the PPP Advisory Council and a well-known Muslim cleric from Sampang, Madura. Gus Din also got a letter of support from Kiai Maimun Zubair, General Chairman of the Advisory Council. In addition, recommendations from the town of Batu's PPP Executive Board, Malang regency, and from the town of Malang had also been given to Gus Din.
But when the PPP Central Executive Board issued a temporary list of candidates, Gus Din's name was pushed down to number two. His place was taken by Asrul Harahap, a candidate from Jakarta. Judging from the last general elections, only one seat was allotted for the Malang constituency. Fatich Fuadi, PPP Deputy Chair for Malang regency, expressed his disappointment with the emergence of Asrul Harahap. Fatich, a Gus Din loyalist, threatened to leave the party if the Central Executive Board retained Asrul. "We are serious," said Fatich.
There are also rumors about the use of money to get would-be legislators listed under a winning number. A Tempo source reveals that for the East Java constituency, a legislative candidate has to pay Rp100 million to be recommended by three party executives from municipality/regency levels. In the PPP, this was revealed by party executive M. Bahrudin Dahlan. According to him, to obtain a winning number to get into Senayan, a candidate has to pay Rp2 billion.
Top numbers are crucial to potential legislators since the PDI-P and PPP have persistently used the proportional system under serial numbers. At first, Golkar used the serial-number system, but changed it into the most-votes system later on.
Top party leaders denied the existence of money politics. PPP Secretary-General Irgan Chairul Mahfiz and PDI-P Secretary-General Pramono Anung said that legislative candidates are determined by a team. Golkar does the same thing. "There's been no money politics," declares Golkar's Deputy Secretary-General Rully Chairul Azwar.
Sunudyantoro, Abdi Purmono (Malang)
Tempo Magazine No. 02/IX/09-15 September, 2008
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New Blood Needed in Indonesia: Presidential Hopefuls
Aubrey Belford
JAKARTA, September 11 (AFP) -- The old faces of Indonesia's elite look set to dominate next year's presidential election but new blood is needed to end the poverty and corruption plaguing the country, outsider presidential hopefuls said on Thursday.
The long campaign for the 2009 vote is already under way and is shaping up as a contest between the incumbent ex-general, President Susilo Bambang Yudhoyono, and his predecessor Megawati Sukarnoputri.
While polls show both leaders dominating the race, Indonesians are fed up with unfulfilled promises 10 years after the 1998 overthrow of dictator Suharto, candidate Rizal Mallarangeng told a forum with foreign journalists.
"I respect these leaders, I respect my seniors, but it is just not healthy if in the last 10 years of the reformation period, we have the same choice again and again," he said.
Yudhoyono, who trounced Megawati in the 2004 election on a platform of tackling corruption and joblessness, has failed to improve the lives of Indonesians, Mallarangeng said.
Indonesia's full-year growth for 2007 was 6.32 percent, the fastest rate in 11 years, but the country has made few dents in unemployment.
"If we don't provide better jobs for these people, for these young Indonesians 20 years from now, not only Indonesia as a society is endangered but also the democracy we have built over the last 10 years will be in danger," Mallarangeng said.
Another candidate, Rizal Ramli, likened Indonesia's leaders to "used cars" and said they had left the country lagging behind more dynamic Asian economies.
"I do believe Indonesia cannot use used cars any more, because in the region people are using Formula One cars," said Ramli, a former top economic minister.
Key candidates in the crowded field for next year's ballot also include current Vice President Jusuf Kalla, two senior military men from Suharto's regime, and the hereditary sultan of the ancient Javanese city of Yogyakarta.
Ramli and Mallarangeng are not backed by any major party and have little showing in opinion polls, although Mallarangeng has the support of Indonesia's richest man, multi-billionaire Welfare Minister Aburizal Bakrie.
An increasingly bitter campaign among members of the old guard could give new candidates a chance to rise through the ranks, Ramli said.
Each of the top candidates "is going to have their own predator. They are going to eat alive every other competitor," he said.
Yudhoyono's credibility has been hit by the spectacular failure of two key scientific projects championed by the president and a top adviser.
The much-touted "Supertoy" breed of rice failed to produce promised high yields, while an earlier project claiming to turn water into a sustainable supply of energy was found to be a hoax.
Main rival Megawati's poll numbers have suffered from a corruption scandal involving a lawmaker from her Indonesian Democratic Party of Struggle (PDI-P).
Her support has also been dented by anger over a cheap natural gas deal her administration signed with China in 2002, which the government says would leave the country short-changed by tens of billions of dollars.
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The list system means democracy only for the party elite
The basis for determining who will get a seat in the DPR is still a matter of dispute among the parties now campaigning. According to the Election Law, each party must draw up its list of candidates called 'urutan', and winning candidates will be decided according to their position on the list. But there is growing enthusiasm for deciding who gets the seat(s) on the basis of the number of votes they obtained in local elections, referred to in the discussion as the 'majority vote' system.
The Indonesian Parliament, DPR is currently discussing an amendment to the law to incorporate the 'majority vote' principle. This issue is bound to come up in press reports about the campaigning that is now now ongoing.
An observer from Andalas University in Padang, Saldi Isra, said that placing candidates' names on a party list is proof that democracy here is only still for the political elite. The parties are still trying to work out what is the best system. If the present system of selecting the candidates according to their place on the list of names is used, this will mean that the final selection will be in the hands of the elite, but should the 'majority votes' system be used, this could lead to conflicts within the parties.
'Democracy means treating everyone without considering their social status but if the candidates are decided according to their number on the list, this means that democracy is only for the party elites.' But if the other method is used, this is likely to lead to conflicts within the parties. Deciding on the successful candidate on the majority vote principle is against the law and the law has not yet been amended.
SINDO, 11 September 2008
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Presidential campaigning to start in February 2009
It is now likely that campaigning for the presidency will begin in February 2009, when the first stage of the election will start. However, the matter has not yet been finally decided. The chairman of KPU, the Elections Committee, Abdul Hafiz Anshary said there were still some problems relating to the presidential election.
The first was the availability of the necessary funding, the possibility of challenges being made and the time limit for challenges having to be extended, as well as the possibility that there may have to be a run-off, which means holding the election twice. He said the DPR and the government from now to release the necessary funds before the first phase begins.
According to the Election Law of 2003 used for the last presidential election, the time limit for challenges was fourteen day, but a case in court could last 21 days. Attention should be paid to this question when the Law on the Presidential
SINDO, 11 September 2008
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Chance For Change In 2014
Bruce Gale, Senior Writer
FOR some months now, the Indonesian opinion polls have been indicating that the same parties currently dominating the country's House of Representatives will continue to rule the national political scene after the parliamentary elections next year. For those who believe that Indonesia's political system is inherently incapable of addressing the problems facing the country, this possibility makes the coming elections as depressing as they are predictable. But is meaningful change really so unlikely?
Cynics would argue that this is indeed the case. And as if to confirm the cynics' view, many political leaders have spent the last few months ensuring that their children feature prominently on the candidate lists of their respective parties.
Puan Maharani, the daughter of former president Megawati Sukarnoputri, has been confirmed as a candidate, as has Mr Edi Bhaskoro, the son of current President Susilo Bambang Yudhoyono. Others widely expected to get the nod include Mr Dave Laksono, son of the House Speaker Agung Laksono, and Mr Anindya Bakrie, son of Mr Aburizal Bakrie, the country's richest man and Minister for People's Welfare. Vice-President Jusuf Kalla's son Solihin Kalla, as well as Mr Agus, son of former vice-president Hamzah Haz, are also likely candidates.
Political dynasties are not new to Indonesia, of course. Mrs Megawati has stature in the eyes of many Indonesians precisely because she is the daughter of the country's founding president Sukarno. A daughter of former president Abdurrahman Wahid, Ms eni, is a prominent figure in the National Awakening party.
Voters could decide to abandon mainstream political groupings in favour of one of the new parties recently declared eligible to contest. But even then, they may find themselves supporting organisations created by retired military leaders or embittered former members of the political elite. These include former military commander General (Ret) Wiranto's People's Conscience Party (Hanura) and the Democratic Reform Party, led by Mr Roy Janis, the former chairman of the Indonesian Democratic Party for Struggle's Jakarta chapter.
None of the above can be expected to have any fresh ideas about how the country should be run.
But though good ideas may be in short supply, there are good reasons for suggesting that political parties are becoming more responsive to voter sentiment. Recent local and provincial elections have shown, for example, that choosing a popular candidate for governor - rather than simply a local party hack - can often be an essential requirement for success. This mirrors the situation in the 2004 presidential elections. Gen Wiranto's well-financed campaign helped him win the nomination of the secular nationalist Golkar party, but it failed to ensure victory at the polls.
Indeed, Indonesian voters may be more mature than many observers think. They are already making judgments about performance, and have voted out of office many corrupt politicians in the provinces. Only about one-third of incumbent provincial governors have so far been re-elected.
A survey of the 2004 elections by Jakarta's Centre for Strategic and International Studies (CSIS) suggested that only 16 per cent of voters who accepted bribes to support a particular candidate actually voted the way they were instructed. Money politics, it seems, does not determine Indonesian election outcomes.
Even so, the current law on legislative elections gives party leaders considerable power over who is likely to be elected. This is because the seats in an electoral district go to candidates ranking at the top of a party's list of candidates.
There has been increasing pressure - both inside and outside the House of Representatives - to have this law amended to ensure that candidates who earn the most votes get into Parliament regardless of their ranking on the party lists. But the probability of it being passed before the April 9 election is looking increasingly unlikely.
The real hope for change, therefore, rests not with the 2009 elections but with the next round scheduled for 2014. During a recent interview with The Straits Times, Mr Yusuf Wanandi of the CSIS suggested that candidates in the 2014 elections would be better educated and more technocratically inclined than those in next year's elections. They would also be more likely to have experience of party politics than the older generation of political leaders, who gained their positions largely through personal relationships during the Suharto and immediate post-Suharto years.
Such a generational change may also be accompanied by an important cultural one. Historically, Indonesian presidents have acted more like traditional Javanese kings than leaders of a modern state. Shorn of the repressive apparatus that made such an approach work for Suharto, they have nevertheless attempted to maintain a god-like status by standing aloof from the cut and thrust of daily politics. The result has been a notable failure to build the sort of political coalitions essential to ensuring the success of their legislative programmes.
Next year's presidential aspirants - including incumbent president Yudhoyono and likely challenger Megawati - are in this mould. But 2014 may see the emergence of a new breed of candidates much less influenced by Suharto's example.
Indonesia needs leaders who would rule as well as reign.
The Straits Times (Singapore)
Friday, September 12, 2008
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Survey says Indonesia wants younger generation to lead
The majority of Indonesian people would prefer the younger generation survive until the next round of general elections and emerge as leaders, a survey shows.
The survey, carried out by the Information Research Institute throughout the archipelago, says that approximately 58 percent of the respondents demand fresh blood.
"It means that the people's interest in young leaders is very high," said the institute's chairman, Johan O Silalahi, as quoted by Antara news agency.
Johan further explained that the survey also revealed that the majority of the respondents favored chairman of the People's Consultative Assembly, Hidayat Nur Wahid, as the most favored young leader.
Hidayat leads in the survey with 41.8 percent of the total respondents, followed by Rizal Mallarangeng with 13.6 percent and Finance Minister Sri Mulyani Indrawati with 9.8 percent.
Other familiar names in the survey include Indonesia Democratic Party of Struggle secretary general Pramono Anung with 4.9 percent, Prosperous Justice Party president Tifatul Sembiring with 1.9 percent, University of Indonesia chancellor Gumilar R. Soemantri with 1.4 percent and political activist Fadjroel Rachman.
The survey was carried out through face-to-face interviews, using a multi-stage cluster from 2.400 respondent aged 17 and above, with the proportion of urban and rural representatives at 44 and 56 percent. (ast)
The Jakarta Post (website)
September 16, 2008
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Voting method must be widely explained
The director of Lingkar Madani untuk Indonesia, Ray Rangkuti, has urged the Elections Commission (KPU) to take measures to make it easier for voters to understand how to cast their votes at the parliamentary elections in April next year.
There should be flexibility in the way voters can cast their vote. Under the present arrangements (which differ from the elections in 2004), voters are instructed to place a tick (contreng) beside their choice. In the last elections, they were required to pierce (coblos) the voting paper. It would be best to let voters have alternative ways to cast their vote, and it was essential that the KPU should do everything possible to inform the voters on how to cast their vote. Otherwise many voting papers could be declared invalid.
[In other press reports, we have read that the word 'contreng' or 'tick' is not known to many people particularly in the east of the country. This translator did not find the word in her very up-to-date Indonesian-English dictionary. 'contreng' is a Javanese word. TAPOL]
One commentator said that if there were voters who used the former method to cast their vote by piercing the voting paper, this should be accepted as valid. There were still people who did not understand the former method properly and now we are asking them to use a new method. Such confusion could result in a high number of invalid votes.
SINDO, 16 September 2008
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Taufik Kiemas asks PKS to work together on composition of the next cabinet
Moves towards making a coalition between PDI-P (Indonesian Democratic Party of Struggle) and the PKS (Partai Kealidan dan Sejahtera, Party of Justice and Prosperity) appear to be going ahead, to pave the way for the duo, Megawati Sukarnputri and Hidayat Nur Wahid, to win the next election for president and vice-president.
Taufik Kiemas, the husband of Megawati, has called on the PKS to jointly discuss the composition of a cabinet as a way of helping the pair to win the presidency. He said there were many points of agreement between the vision and mission of the two parties. 'There should be no problem in our working together on this,' said Taufik. Like the PDI-P, the PKS is also working in the interests of the 'little people' (wong cilik). We need to draft a state budget that is pro-people,' he said. Taufik also said that every pair nominated for the presidency and vice-presidency should be required to draw up their proposed cabinet and if they won in the legislative election, they would be ready to draw up their government programme.
On the previous day, the general secretaries of the two parties had spoken about the two parties making a coalition. The president of the PKS has also said that the Megawati-Hidayat duo was shown to be the most popular of all the possible pairs of candidates. in several polls undertaken by independent polling agencies.
Another PKS leader, Muhamad Razikun, said that this coalition was very likely but it was for the party's Majelis Syura to take the decision and they would also need to await the results of the parliamentary elections. He said that the Majelis has not yet discussed the matter. He also said that any future government would need to be a coalition to make sure that it was strong enough to govern.
SINDO, 16 September 2008
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SBY-Kalla seen as the ideal couple
According to polls conducted by the Information Research Institute, the Susilo Bambang Yudhoyono (SBY)-Jusuf Kalla team has the best prospects in the presidential election next year. A spokesman for the Institute said that this pair was considered to be the most responsive to conditions being experienced by the people. He said that it has also been free of any scandals nor had the pair been affected by economic problems such as the contract concluded with China for the sale of LNG from Tangguh, West Papua.
[The present SBY-Kalla government is now trying to revise the contract with China on the sale of LNG because the contract concluded during the Megawati presidency fixed the price far too low which would mean heavy losses in revenue for Indonesia. TAPOL]
Apart from a pair including Megawati, others from the younger generation could pose a threat to the SBY-Kalla pair, but the only real threat comes from the Megawati pair.
SINDO, 16 September 2008
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All information given here is based on reports from SINDO, 19 or 21 September 2008:
Concerns that legitimacy of 2009 elections could be undermined
There are growing concerns that the legitimacy of next year's election could be undermined because a number of problems regarding the conduct of the election have arisen.
The two crucial problems facing the Election Commission, KPU, are concerning the method by which voters will cast their votes and whether the lists of voters are up-to-date.
The method that has been selected by the KPU is by inscribing a tick by the party of choice which will require the voter to use a writing implement, something with which many people are not familiar, primarily illiterate people who have never been able to write. (In the previous election in 2004, the voter was required to pierce (mencoblos) the ballot paper.)
A former member of the KPU, Imam B. Prasodjo, said he feared there would be a large number of invalid voting papers. If to this were to be added those who decide not to vote (golput) and those who were not registered as voters, this could undermine the legitimacy of the election. 'Many people have never held a pen or pencil in their hands,' he said. Theyfeel uncomfortable holding a ballpoint.'
He said it would be better not to start innovating about how to cast the vote, or if the change went ahead, the KPU would need to undertake a lengthy 'socialisation' campaign. Syamsuddin Haris of LIPI suggested that the KPU should not be inflexible about this and should permit voters to votes either by piercing, putting a tick or cross or circling their choice.
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Dispute between Kalla and Fadel Muhammad of GOLKAR continues
News that the chairman of GOLKAR is planning to sanction Fadel Muhammad, currently the governor of Gorontalo has led to disquiet in the party which gained the largest number of seats (128) in the DPR in the last election.Akbar Tandjung who was formerly the chairman of GOLKAR has expressed doubts about the move and is not clear what article in the party's statues he has breached.
According to earlier reports, the name of Fadel has been deleted from the party's list of candidates, as a result of which he, along with several other parry activists are planning to hold a meeting early in October to launch a declaration for of a 'Golkar Sejati' or Genuine Golkar.
Anton Lesiangi, who chairs the party's committee for a successful election, said that the recent meeting of seven of the party's activities (of which he was one) had expressed their commitment to ensure that the party secures 30 percent of the votes in 2009 (their share in 2004 was 21.6% as compared with 18.5% secured by the PDI-P. In his opinion, the list of candidates had not been drawn up in conformity with the party's constitution, such as the person having been serving the party continuously for five years, a clear record f dedication and loyalty to the party and having an unblemished record.
He denied that the meeting to be held on 8 October in Gorontalo was intended to produce a declaration. The purpose of the meeting, he said, was to make a traditional award from the people of Gorontalo to the Sultan of Yogyakarta. 'It has nothing to do with politics', he said.
Another member of the party's central board, who was on a visit to Jakarta, said there would be no extraordinary leaders' meeting in Gorontalo to discuss the conflict between Fadel and Jusuf Kalla (vice-president of Indonesia). He praised Fadel for his continuing commitment to the party even though other parties had offered to take him in and place him at the top of their list..
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PDI-P may press for 30% of seats in DPR for next president
A PDI-P member of the drafting committee for the Presidential Elections Law has said that his party was considering raising the proportion of seats needed in the DPR for the president to 30%, because this would ensure that the next government would be much stronger.
He said that this would encourage the parties to enter into coalitions with other parties. Another party supporting the 15-30% provision was the PKS, while GOLKAR is in favour of 30%. Other parties maintain the proportion of 15%.
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Reported dismissal of PPP general secretary is untrue.
The central board of the PPP (Partai Persatuan Pembangunan) has sent a note to all local branches of the party saying that reports that the party's secretary general Irgan Chairul Mahfiz had been dismissed were untrue.
Meanwhile Irgan himself said that the dispute about his dismissal was now at an end, and that he as the party's general secretary has signed al the documents relating to the list of candidates.
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Trial runs to test the system
KPU plans to hold trial runs of next year's election in Fak-Fak, West Papua and Sidoardjo, East Java.
The trial run will be held to test the design of the ballot paper, the method of casting the vote and the voting system. The trial runs would test two kinds of ballot papers, one which is wide and one which is long.
The findings of these trial runs will then be discussed with the present parliament and with the government.
An academic from Brawijaya University said that focus should be on the way to cast the vote as this has now been changed (from piercing to ticking), and he advised the KPU not to be hasty in this matter; the main objective must be to minimise the number of invalid votes.
One of the designs has a column with the logo of each of the parties according to their number on the list (urutan) of parties with the name of the candidate below; this would be the wide ballot paper.The voters would be required to indicate their vote by placing a mark by the party's logo and by the party's number on the list. The mark against the party's logo would be to determine the party's number of seats while the mark against the name of the candidate would be to determine the party's share of the votes. In each place, there should be only one tick. The method used to cast a vote would be by means of a tick although this has been criticised by many people, leading to the fear that many ballot papers will be declared invalid.
[Since there will be 38 parties contesting the elections, another confusion might well be for the voter to recognise and find the logo of his/her party of choice. The method also seems to mean that voters will tick their ballot paper twice, not once. TAPOL]
SINDO, 19 & 21 September 2008